Treasures of Verkhoturye. Formation of the Russian population of the northern part of Verkhoturye district from the end of the 16th to the middle of the 18th centuries Gods and shaitans

  • Specialty of the Higher Attestation Commission of the Russian Federation07.00.02
  • Number of pages 319

1. SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE CITY OF VERKHOTURYE XVII-EARLY XXC.

1.1. DYNAMICS OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF VERKHOTURYE IN THE 17TH CENTURY

1.1.1. PREREQUISITES FOR THE EMERGENCE, FOUNDATION AND ESTABLISHMENT OF VERKHOTURYE AS AN URBAN CENTER IN THE FIRST QUARTER OF THE XVI - BEGINNING OF THE XVII CENTURY.

1.1.2. "GOLDEN AGE" OF VERKHOTURYE. SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE CITY IN THE MIDDLE OF THE XVII CENTURY.

1.1.3. CUSTOMS CRISIS IN VERKHOTURYE IN THE LAST QUARTER OF THE XVII CENTURY.

1.1.4. REGULARITIES OF ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT OF VERKHOTURYE AND THE DISTRICT IN THE 17TH CENTURY.

1.2. VERKHOTURE IN THE 18TH CENTURY

1.2.1. VERKHOTURYE - THE CENTER OF MINING DEVELOPMENT OF THE URAL IN THE BEGINNING OF THE 18TH CENTURY.

1.2.2. POKHODYASHINSKAYA CAPITAL. VERKHOTURE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 18TH CENTURY.

1.3. VERKHOTURE IN THE XIX-EARLY XX CENTURIES.

1.3.1. CRISIS OF THE OFFICIAL RUSSIAN CITY. VERKHOTURE IN THE FIRST QUARTER OF THE XIX CENTURY.

1.3.2. EXITING THE CRISIS IN THE SECOND QUARTER OF THE 19TH CENTURY. THE CULT OF SIMEON OF VERKHOTURY AS THE BASIS OF THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF VERKHOTURY IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY.

1.3.3. VERKHOTURYE - A REGIONAL CENTER OF RELIGIOUS PILGRIMAGE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY.

2. HISTORY OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF VERKHOTURYE AND THE REGULARITY OF THE FORMATION OF THE ARCHITECTURAL AND HISTORICAL ENVIRONMENT OF THE CITY

2.1. "PRELIMINARY PERIOD" OF THE FOUNDATION OF VERKHOTURYE

2.2. FORTIFICATIONS OF THE CITY OF VERKHOTURYE.

2.2.1. HISTORY OF THE WOODEN KREMLIN IN VERKHOTURYE IN THE 17TH CENTURY

2.2.2. HISTORY OF CONSTRUCTION OF THE STONE KREMLIN IN VERKHOTURYE

2.2.3. HISTORY OF THE VERKHOTURE KREMLIN IN THE XVIII-XIX CENTURIES.

2.3. HISTORY OF CONSTRUCTION OF MONASTERIES IN VERKHOTURYE

2.3.1. GENERAL PROVISIONS

2.3.2. CONSTRUCTION IN THE NIKOLAEVSKY MONASTERY IN THE XVII-EARLY XX CENTURIES.

2.3.3. CONSTRUCTION IN THE POKROVSKY WOMEN'S MONASTERY IN

XVII - EARLY XX CENTURIES

2.4. PLANNING, CULTURAL AND CIVIL CONSTRUCTION IN VERKHOTURYE IN THE XVII-XIX CENTURIES.

2.4.1. HISTORY OF CONSTRUCTION OF PARISH CHURCHES IN VERKHOTURYE XVII-XVIII CENTURIES.

2.4.2. STATE AND CIVIL CONSTRUCTION IN VERKHOTURYE

XVII - EARLY XX CENTURY LAYOUT OF THE CITY

2.4.2.1. GOSTINY Dvor IN VERKHOTURYE IN THE XVII-XIX CENTURIES.

2.4.2.2. JAIL

2.4.3. PLANNING AND ORDINARY DEVELOPMENT OF VERKHOTURYE IN THE XVII - EARLY XX CENTURIES.

2.4.3.1. LAYOUT OF VERKHOTURYE XVII - EARLY XX CENTURIES.

2.4.3.2. VOIVOD'S ESTATE OF THE END OF THE 17TH CENTURY.

2.4.3.3. ESTATE OF A VERKHOTURE PEOPLE OF THE END OF THE 18TH - EARLY 19TH CENTURIES.

2.5. SOCIAL TOPOGRAPHY OF VERKHOTURSKY POSAD IN THE XVII

XVIII century. 260 CONCLUSION 268 LIST OF SOURCES AND LITERATURE USED 273 LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES 290 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 292 APPENDICES

Introduction of the dissertation (part of the abstract) on the topic “History of Verkhoturye (1598-1926). Patterns of socio-economic development and the formation of the architectural and historical environment of the city"

Cities have always played and are now playing a decisive role in the economic, socio-political and cultural progress of society, and therefore, although urban studies have long been among the pressing issues of Russian historical science, reality itself again and again returns researchers to the problems of urbanization in Russia. Scientists are always attracted by universally significant problems, without solving which it is impossible to find the right answers to a whole range of questions dictated by the practical needs of society. A.A. Preobrazhensky emphasized that “the study of historical trends in the city-forming process in all its diversity remains an important and promising scientific task that has access to modern problems1.”

A.C. Cherkasova rightly believes that “to successfully study the processes of urban development in Russia, first of all, it is necessary to determine clear criteria for classifying cities by social types (early feudal, feudal, early capitalist), clarify the patterns of decline and rapid growth of cities in different eras, and the role of manufacturing in the process of city formation, identifying the actual ratio of the rural and industrial population at the time in question, etc.

All these issues can be resolved only on the basis of studying the actual history of both official cities and commercial and industrial villages and manufacturing centers"2.

At the present stage of development of historical science, the conclusion of A.S. Cherkasova acquires particular relevance. It is obvious that generalizing studies, which are certainly necessary, useful and have played a positive role, can no longer give a satisfactory answer to all questions that arise. A monographic study of the history of individual populated areas will undoubtedly make it possible not only to obtain new information, but also to identify patterns of urban development that could not be discovered during studies “with a lesser degree of approximation.” The wealth of factual materials acquired in the course of concrete historical research gives scope for the formulation of hypotheses, ultimately, for creating an objective picture of urban development.

In the last decade in Russian historical science, due to a not always justified change in the scientific paradigm, the study of the socio-economic history of cities, especially regional ones, has been undeservedly forgotten, giving way to features of their political

1 Preobrazhensky A.A. City, village and state power in Russia in the 17th-18th centuries // Village and city of the Urals in the era of feudalism: the problem of interaction. Sverdlovsk, 1986. P. 13.

2 Cherkasova A.S. Some questions of the historiography of a Russian city of the 18th century // Research on the history of the Urals. Vol. 1. Perm, 1970. P.61. and cultural history. This situation cannot be considered normal and this work is an attempt to correct it.

The city of Verkhoturye, Sverdlovsk region, is one of the oldest on the eastern slope of the Urals; it occupies a special place in the history of the region. A stronghold of Russian colonization of the Trans-Urals and Siberia, the most important transit, transport and cultural-confessional center played a significant role in the history of the country for centuries. For this reason, close attention to its history promises new discoveries. Back in 1959, at an international conference in The Hague, the question was raised about including the architectural ensemble of Verkhoturye among the most significant architectural monuments of the world, subject to protection even during military operations. Verkhoturye Resolution of the State Construction Committee and the Ministry of Culture of the RSFSR No. 36 dated 06/31/1970 “On approval of the list of cities and other populated areas of the RSFSR that have architectural monuments, urban planning ensembles and complexes that are monuments of national culture, as well as preserved natural landscapes and ancient cultural layers of the earth, representing historical and archaeological value" was included in the number of historical cities of our country3.

The relevance of the chosen topic is thus multifaceted: the conclusions resulting from this study, on the one hand, should serve as a theoretical understanding of the processes of urbanization and the methodology for studying historical cities, on the other hand, they should prove useful in practical activities in managing cities, preserving and reconstructing historical architectural environment of urban areas of the Urals.

The historiography of the Russian city is extremely extensive (about 500 works in 1966 alone), complex and multifaceted, just like this problem in Russian historical science. Researchers of even individual periods already prefer to list historiographical works rather than individual studies in literature reviews. So, for example, B.N. Mironov, who dealt with the demographic, social and economic development of Russian cities in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, considered it inappropriate to include a traditional historiographical review in his book, but limited himself to referring to a long list of special historiographical essays4. We can only direct the reader interested in general issues of urban history to his monograph.

The peculiarity of this work is that the object itself and the method of its research involve consideration of the main problems of studying the Russian city of the 16th - early 20th centuries, and not only them. Speaking about Verkhoturye, one cannot help but touch upon the problems of Russian

3 For more details, see: Comprehensive program for identifying, certification, registration, restoration, museumization, propaganda and use of historical and cultural monuments of the Sverdlovsk region. B/m, 1989. colonization of Siberia, the formation and development of the mining industry of the Urals, the history of the Ural and Siberian monasteries, the customs service of Russia, the history of the zemstvo and much more, which has its own historiography, which is not possible to fully disclose in this work.

A review of historiographical works that, in one way or another, touches on the problems of studying Verkhoturye, must begin with the brilliant essay by S.B. Bakhrushin “The Question of the Annexation of Siberia in Historical Literature,” where the author gave capacious and comprehensive characteristics of the main sources, pre-revolutionary and first post-revolutionary works on the history of Siberia5. As for the cities of the Urals, perhaps the first historiographical essay belonged to B.A. Sutyrin, who quite rightly divided all the literature published by that time into “fundamental research works and numerous popular brochures” and noted that “the history of the cities of the Urals during the period of capitalism and imperialism remains the least studied”6.

There are also historiographical works devoted to the study of Verkhoturye itself. This is, first of all, an article by T.E. Kvetsinskaya “The city of Verkhoturye in the 17th - early 18th centuries. in Russian historiography"7. In general terms, the historiography of the city is touched upon in the works of the same T.E. Kvetsinskaya “Historiography of Siberia in the 16th - early 20th centuries”8, V.G. Mirzoev “Historiography of Siberia in the 18th century”9, D.Ya. Rezun “On the history of the study of a Siberian city of the 18th century. in Russian pre-revolutionary historical science" and "Essays on the history of the study of a Siberian city of the late XVII - first half of the XVIII century."10 and the work of A.S. Cherkasova “Some questions of the historiography of a Russian city of the 18th century”11. The work of JI.H stands somewhat apart. Volskaya, dedicated to the historiography of urban planning in Siberia12.

4 Mironov B.N. Russian city in the 1740-1860s: demographic, social and economic development. JL, 1990. P.5.

5 Bakhrushin S.B. The question of the annexation of Siberia in historical literature // Bakhrushin S.B. Scientific works. T.Z.Ch.1.M., 1955. P.17-71.

6 Sutyrin B.A. History of the cities of the Urals in the XVIII-XIX centuries. in Soviet historical literature//Historical science in the Urals for 50 years. 1917-1967. Materials of the 3rd scientific session of universities of the Ural economic region (historical sciences). Issue 1. History of the USSR. Sverdlovsk, 1969. P.55-59.

7 Kvetsinskaya T.E. The city of Verkhoturye in the 17th - early 18th centuries. in domestic historiography//Historiography of the cities of Siberia at the end of the 16th - beginning of the 20th centuries. Novosibirsk, 1984. P.61.

8 Kvetsinskaya T.E. Historiography of Siberia XVI - early XX centuries. M., 1983.

9 Mirzoev V.G. Historiography of Siberia in the 18th century. Kemerovo, 1963.

10 Rezun D.Ya. Essays on the history of studying the Siberian city of the late 17th - first half of the 18th century. Novosibirsk, 1982; him. On the history of studying the Siberian city of the 18th century. in Russian pre-revolutionary historical science//Cities of Siberia (the era of feudalism and capitalism). Novosibirsk, 1978.

11 Cherkasova A.S. Some questions of the historiography of the Russian city of the 18th century // Research on the history of the Urals. Perm, Issue 1. 1970. P.55.

12 Volskaya JI.H. On historiography on the urban heritage of Siberia // Historiography and sources of studying the historical experience of the development of Siberia. Abstracts of reports and communications of the All-Union Scientific Conference (November 15-17, 1988) Issue 1. Pre-Soviet period. Novosibirsk, 1988.

Verkhoturye first came to the attention of scientists in the 18th century, primarily in the works of G.F. Miller13 and I.E. Fischer14. And although the history of the city was considered in the context of the colonization of Siberia, the original history of the city was clarified by researchers quite fully. Since then, not a single general work on Russian history has been complete without mentioning Verkhoturye and its role in Russian history15.

And yet, the most substantive history of Verkhoturye was studied by regional scientists who were interested in the past of the Urals and Siberia. P.A. Slovtsov, in his “Historical Review of Siberia,” which was published in its first edition in 1823, examined the early stages of the city’s history in connection with the general course of colonization of Siberia16. I approached the study of the history of Ver in the same way.

1 7 Khoturya and V.K. Andrievich in his general work on the history of Siberia.

In the book by P.N. Butsinsky’s “The Settlement of Siberia and the Life of its First Inhabitants” contains a small but very succinct outline of the history of Verkhoturye in the first quarter of the 17th century, probably one of the best pre-revolutionary studies on this topic. It addresses issues of founding, construction, population growth, economic development and management18.

Wonderful local historian A.A. Dmitriev could not ignore the problems of the past of Verkhoturye and, although the history of the city did not become the subject of his special, monographic study, in his general works he considered its place in the processes of colonization of Siberia, the development of trade in the region, etc.19 A series of small anniversary publications is dedicated to the city itself in periodicals devoted to its foundation and initial appearance, the economy (especially the activities of customs), monasteries and temples; Dmitriev also considered changing the area of ​​the county dependent on Verkhoturye20. Unfortunately, the author did not have the opportunity to bring his materials under one cover, but together these works give a detailed picture of the development of the city in the 17th-18th centuries.

13 Miller G.F. History of Siberia. T. 1-2. M.-L., 1937-1941.

14 Fisher I.E. Siberian history from the very discovery to the conquest of this land by Russian weapons. St. Petersburg, 1774.

15 See at least: Soloviev S.M. History of Russia from ancient times. TT.7-8. M., 1989. P.364-366,419,511; TT.9-10. M., 1990. P.119.

16 Slovtsov P.A. Historical review of Siberia. St. Petersburg, 1886.

17 Andrievich V.K. History of Siberia. St. Petersburg, 1889.

18 Butsinsky P.N. The settlement of Siberia and the life of its first inhabitants. Kharkov, 1889.

19 Dmitriev A.A. Verkhoturye region in the 17th century // Perm antiquity. Issue 7. Perm, 1897; him. Wine trade and feeding in the Urals and Siberia in the last century // TGV. No. 39-40; him. On the history of Trans-Ural trade. Bashkiria at the beginning of Russian colonization // Perm antiquity. Issue 8. Perm, 1900.

20 Dmitriev A.A. From the history of Verkhoturye customs // PGV. 1898. No. 79-80; him. To the tercentenary of the city of Verkhoturye // PGV. 1898. No. 1; him. The city of Verkhoturye in the 17th century. To his 300th anniversary // PGV. 1898. No. 44; him. Antiquities of Verkhoturye//Memorable book of the Perm province for 1899. Perm, 1899. Appendix. P.3-22.

The book of the famous Russian archivist researcher I. Tokmakov21 gives an extensive outline of the history of the city, but since it was created by direct order of the administration of the St. Nicholas Monastery, the main emphasis in it is on the description of the city shrines. Despite this, Tokmakov’s work remained, perhaps, the best pre-revolutionary general work on the history of the city, which to some extent replaced the failed work of A.A. Dmitrieva. Works by the priest of the Znamenskaya Church

Verkhoturye P. Toropov, who collaborated with PUAK, represent the most successful of the compilations of the propaganda plan.

N.K. Chupin contributed to the study of the history of the city: his works were of a scientific reference nature or were dedicated to the famous Verkhoturye residents. Biographical sketches of the Verkhoturye breeder M.M. Pokhodyashin were created by E.P. Karnovich24 and F.A. Prydilytsikov25.

Due to the fact that Verkhoturye was a major religious center of the Urals in the 19th - early 20th centuries, many works were published on the history of the city's monasteries, churches and the cult of St. Simeon of Verkhoturye. Some of them were of a local history nature, but for the most part they were small brochures containing a minimum of historical information, published for distribution among pilgrims. Book published in 1854

26 o. Makaria is entitled “Description of the city of Verkhoturye”, it contains a small section devoted to the economic and cultural state of the city in the middle of the 19th century, but mostly contains a description of the city’s church shrines. To one degree or another, this is characteristic of almost all popular pre-revolutionary literature about Verkhoturye. Among the most interesting works, it is necessary to note Baranov’s books, now actively

97 republished by the Verkhotursky Nikolaevsky Monastery, and the anonymous article “Verkhotursky Monastery” in the Yekaterinburg Diocesan Gazette28, which is sometimes attributed

21 Tokmakov I. Historical, statistical and archaeological description of the city of Verkhoturye with the district (Perm province), in connection with the historical legend about the life of the holy righteous Simeon of Verkhoturye the Wonderworker. M., 1899.

22 Toropov P. Tercentenary of the city of Verkhoturye. Perm, 1897; His own. The city of Verkhoturye and its shrines. Verkhoturye, 1912.

23 Chupin N.K. Geographical and statistical dictionary of the Perm province. Issue 2. "IN". Perm, 1875. P.265; Chupin N.K. About the Bogoslovsky factories and the breeder Pohodyashin. Dept. impression from PGV. B.m., 1872.

24 Karnovich E.P. Remarkable wealth of private individuals in Russia. St. Petersburg, 1875. P.252-253.

25 Pryadilshchikov F.A. Maxim Mikhailovich Pohodyashin//Collection of articles about the Perm province. Issue 2. Perm, 1890. P.60-64.

26 Macarius. Description of the city of Verkhoturye. St. Petersburg, 1854.

27 Baranov B.S. Ancient Kremlin in Verkhoturye, Holy Trinity Cathedral and chapel. Nizhny Novgorod. 1908; him. Chronicle of the Verkhoturye Nikolaevsky male monastery. Verkhoturye, 1910 (2nd ed. 1991); him. Holy Trinity Cathedral in Verkhoturye. Verkhoturye. 1990; him. Verkhoturye Intercession Convent. B.M., 1991; him. The new Cathedral of the Exaltation of the Cross and the celebration of the consecration of the main altar of this majestic cathedral. Verkhoturye, 1992.

28 Verkhoturye Monastery//Ekaterinburg Diocesan Gazette. Ekaterinburg, 1893. No. 12-13, 1894. No. 12.17-18.22. sent to the same author. Works of B.C. Baranov are methodologically already outdated, but since they were partially made on the basis of sources that have not reached the present day, they have not lost their scientific significance.

The rest of the pre-revolutionary literature on the history of Verkhoturye, as extensive as it is monotonous, fully justifies the characterization given by B.A. Sutyrin. An essay by V.P. published in the Historical Bulletin. Polyakov, although it contains quite interesting information characterizing the state of the city in the late 60s. XIX century, has the character

9Q is not so much scientific as artistic. Historical essay by I.N. Bozheryanino-va30, written based on materials from A.B. de Chamborant, awarded a silver medal at the First All-Russian Exhibition of Monastic Works, generally repeated the book of Macarius in a somewhat truncated form. In addition, the type of popularization and propaganda literature with

In 1911, a work by V. Trapeznikov appeared, in which an attempt was made to illuminate

32 history of the Urals from Marxist methodological positions that were new for that time. A.A. Savich, in his essays “The Past of the Urals”33, continued the efforts of Trapeznikov after the revolution. These works are united by the fact that they were written using only published sources, and facts from the history of Verkhoturye serve to illustrate the general conclusions of both authors. They are also related by some similarity in the interpretation of the history of the Urals with the position of the “school” of M.N. Pokrovsky, although they had nothing to do with her. They are accompanied by popular science essays by JI.M. Kapterev34, who summarized the publications of previous years from the perspective of local history.

Significantly higher than these works in terms of scientific level are the works of the 20s. C.B. Bakhrushin, which became the basis of “Essays on the history of the colonization of Siberia in the 16th and 17th centuries,” you

2 from 1927. Essays.” became, in our opinion, the first work of modern scientific level.

In the 30s and 40s. XX century for obvious reasons, there was a long pause in the creation and publication of historical works devoted to the history of Verkhoturye, which was interrupted

29 Polyakov V.P. Past and present of the city of Verkhoturye. (To the upcoming 300th anniversary of its founding) // Historical Bulletin. T.64. May. 1869. P.586-604.

30 Bozheryaninov I.N. 300 years since the founding of the Verkhoturye Nicholas Monastery and the two-century stay of St. relics of the wonderworker Simeon of Verkhoturye. St. Petersburg, 1904. 2nd ed. - Ekaterinburg, 1997.

31 Kurd B.G. The city of Verkhoturye in the 17th century/LObilny collection of the historical and geographical circle at Kiev University. Kyiv, 1914.

32 Trapeznikov Vl. Essay on the history of the Urals and Kama region in the era of enslavement (XV-XVII centuries). Arkhangelsk, 1911.

33 Savich Kh.A. Past of the Urals (Historical Sketches). Perm, 1925.

34 Karterev JI.M. Russian colonization of the Northern Trans-Urals in the 17th-18th centuries. Sverdlovsk, 1924; him. How the Ruhrites came to the Urals. Sverdlovsk, 1930.

Bakhrushin S.B. Scientific works. T.Z. 4.1. M., 1955. published in 1946 and 1956. essays on the history of agriculture and colonization of Siberia in the 17th and early 18th centuries by V.I. Shunkov, in which the author examined the problems of peasant colonization and agricultural development of Siberian districts, including Verkhoturye, which turned out to be extremely important for characterizing the formation of the rural district of the city.

It should be noted that in general in the 50-70s. XX century The development of the cities of the Urals was more often studied by geographers. Issues of the development of Verkhoturye were touched upon in the historical and geographical works of P.M. Kabo and E.G. Animits. The most interesting of these

39 types of works is the monograph JI.E. Iofa, in which the author sought to “show how the modern pattern of the urban network of the Urals was formed, how and why the largest of the Ural cities arose and developed, sometimes achieving great economic prosperity, sometimes, on the contrary, losing it, how and why their economic structure changed " In general, the author managed to solve the problem he set. Verkhoturye was first shown in interaction with other cities in the region, changes in its place in the systemic urban network were traced over time, however, the generalizing nature of the work meant that the picture of the development of Verkhoturye turned out to be incomplete and inaccurate, especially in the early stages of its existence. Historian V.I. Sergeev in articles of 1960 and 1967. considered the problems of the prerequisites for the founding and early history of Siberian cities, including Verkhoturye40.

In the works of these authors, the scientific term “fortress city” first appeared as a definition of the first stage in the development of urban formations in border and colonized territories. Only after passing this stage could the Ural and Siberian urban centers turn into administrative, commercial, commercial and industrial cities. In this regard, let us draw attention to two circumstances: firstly, some tautology of this term (until the 18th-19th centuries, cities without fortresses did not exist at all; a city was understood, first of all, to be a fortified place, i.e. every city was a fortress , wherever it is located - on the border or in the interior of the country) and, secondly, the military-administrative function is broader than just defense (and fortresses cannot have other functions). However, the term “fortress city,” despite its inaccuracy, has taken root, broadly in

36 Shunkov V.I. Essays on the history of colonization of Siberia in the 17th - early 18th centuries. M.-L., 1946; His own. Essays on the history of agriculture in Siberia in the 17th century. M., 1956.

37 Cabo P.M. Cities of Western Siberia. Essays on historical and economic geography (XVII - first half of the 19th century) M., 1949.

38 Animitsa E.G. Types of small and medium-sized cities in the Sverdlovsk region // Our region. Materials of the V Sverdlovsk Regional Local History Conference. Sverdlovsk, 1971; His own. Cities of the Middle Urals. Past present Future. Sverdlovsk, 1983.

39 Iofa L.E. Cities of the Urals. M., 1951.

40 Sergeev V.I. The first Siberian cities, their military, economic and cultural significance / UVIMK. 1960. No. 3. Sergeev V.M. Government policy in Siberia on the eve and during the founding of the first Russian cities. // New information about the past of our country. In memory of academician M.N. Tikhomirov. M., 1967. S. 174-179. regarded as a city with a single military-administrative function, and found its way into popular science publications and architectural works.

The role of Verkhoturye as a stronghold of Russian colonization of Siberia on the basis of new sources and approaches was considered by B.JL Nazarov, N.I. Nikitin41. Not a single scientific work covering the problems of urban development, crafts and trade, customs policy, and the socio-economic development of Siberia as a whole could do without mentioning the role of the city, as was the case in the works of M.M. Gromyko, O.N. Vilkova42. It is especially necessary to note the articles by A.N. Kopylov, in which the customs crisis of the last quarter of the 17th century was first described.43.

A special place in the series of studies of the history of the Urals and Siberia is occupied by the works of A.A. Preobrazhensky, which examine a variety of issues of Russian colonization of the vast subcontinent, the social division of labor, the construction of the first mining enterprises in the region, class struggle and the development of the Ural monasteries44.

No less important for the study of the history of Verkhoturye were the works of V.A. Oborin, dedicated to the problems of colonization of the Urals, which touched upon the problems of the formation and development of cities and, in particular, Verkhoturye45. V.A. Oborin was the first to note that the Russian population of the Urals preferred to found cities on the sites of former aboriginal settlements. He also created, perhaps, the first work in Soviet times devoted directly to the history of Verkhoturye in the 17th century. (foundation, development, layout, economics, demography), unfortunately, remained in the manuscript46.

41 Nazarov B.JL Trans-Ural epic of the 16th century//VI. 1969. No. 12; Nikitin N.I. The Siberian epic of the 17th century: The beginning of the development of Siberia by Russian people. M., 1987.

42 Gromyko M.M. Western Siberia in the 17th century. Novosibirsk, 1965; Vilkov O.N. Craft and trade in Western Siberia in the 17th century. M., 1967; him. Essays on the socio-economic development of Siberia at the end of the 16th - beginning of the 17th centuries. Novosibirsk, 1990.

43 Kopylov A.N. Customs policy in Siberia in the 17th century//Russian state in the 17th century. M., 1961; him. To the characteristics of a Siberian city of the 17th century // Cities of feudal Russia. M., 1966.

44 Preobrazhensky A.A. From the history of the first private factories in the Urals at the beginning of the 18th century // Historical notes. T.58. 1958; His own. Entrepreneurs Tumashevs in the 17th century//Russian state in the 17th century. M., 1961; His own. The grain budget of the monasteries of Western Siberia at the end of the 17th - beginning of the 18th centuries // Abstracts of reports and messages of the XII session of the inter-republican symposium on the agrarian history of Eastern Europe (Riga-Sigulda, October 1970). M., 1970. No. 1; His own. The Urals and Western Siberia at the end of the 16th - beginning of the 18th centuries. M., 1972; His own. On the problem of the social division of labor in the Russian state of the 17th century // Historical geography of Russia in the 17th - early years. XX century M., 1975.

45 Oborin V.A. Settlement and development of the Urals at the end of the 11th - beginning of the 17th centuries. Irkutsk, 1990; His own. Use by the Russian population in the 16th-17th centuries. settlements of the non-Russian population in the Urals // Antiquities of Volgokamia. Kazan, 1977; His own. Some features of the formation and development of cities on the outskirts of the Russian state in the XV-XVII centuries. (using the example of the Urals) // Issues of the formation of the Russian population of Siberia in the 17th - 19th centuries. Tomsk, 1978;

46 Oborin V.A. History of the city of Verkhoturye in the 16th-17th centuries/Yutchet on economic contract topic No. 659. The manuscript is kept in the Verkhoturye State Historical and Architectural Museum-Reserve.

A serious contribution to the development of issues of socio-economic development of Verkhoturye in the 17th century. became articles by T.E. Kvetsinskaya about grain trade and craft47. Close to them in theme are the works of G.A. Leontyeva48 and M.D. Kurmacheva49. All these works are written on the materials of the Verkhoturye customs books and their only drawback is the fact that the sources were analyzed only for individual years, therefore it is impossible to objectively judge from them both the economic dynamics of Verkhoturye as a whole, and the factors and reasons causing this dynamics. Questions of the extent to which Verkhoturye was involved in the formation of industry in the Urals in the 17th and 18th centuries were addressed in major monographs by P.G. Lyubimov on the history of Russian metallurgy and B.B. Kafengauza, dedicated to the Demidov household50.

The dynamics of population changes in Verkhoturye were studied by V.N. Peshkov and G.E. Kornilov51 are the first reports of data on the demography of the city at the end of the 18th - mid-19th centuries. and XX century For this reason alone they have special value. But, unfortunately, the authors used sources without proper criticism and study of their inherent nature of accounting (auditing, police, etc.), did not adhere to the principle of the unity of the territory, so information about the general demographic dynamics of Verkhoturye sometimes turned out to be distorted. So, according to V.N. Peshkov, the number of city residents decreased from 3,965 people in 1801 to 1,954 people in 1815 (i.e., by 2,011 people - two-thirds of the population), which is tantamount to a catastrophe, which, of course, did not happen.

The development of education in Verkhoturye in the pre-reform period was considered by T.A. Kalinina in connection with the general development of education in the Urals during this period52. The settlement of the Middle Urals, which once formed the territory of the Verkhoturye district, ethnodemographic and ethnocultural processes, and the material culture of the rural population of the region were analyzed by G.N. Chagin, who convincingly proved that the Russian old-timer population of the Verkhoturye district came from the North Dvina basin, which passed

47 Kvetsinskaya T.E. Verkhoturye was a transit and transport center of Western Siberia in the 70-80s. XVII century//Cities of Siberia (the era of feudalism and capitalism). Novosibirsk, 1978; Hers. Crafts of Verkhoturye in the 17th century // History of Siberian cities of the pre-Soviet period (XVII - early XIX centuries). Novosibirsk, 1977; Hers. Grain trade in Verkhoturye in the 17th century//Trade in Siberian cities at the end of the 16th - beginning of the 20th century. Novosibirsk, 1987.

48 Leontyeva G.A. Place of revenues from trade in the budget of the Tobolsk category of the 17th century // Trade in Siberian cities of the late 16th - early 20th centuries. Novosibirsk, 1987; Leontyeva G.A. The monetary budget of Siberia and the place in its composition of revenues from trade at the end of the 17th - beginning of the 18th century // Exchange operations of the cities of Siberia during the period of feudalism. Novosibirsk, 1990.

49 Kurmacheva M.D. Trade of Siberia in the 17th century. (Based on materials from the Verkhoturye customs book of 1635/36) // Problems of the socio-economic history of feudal Russia. M., 1984.

50 Kafengauz B.B. History of the Demidov household in the 1st-19th centuries. Experience in research on the history of Ural metallurgy. T.1. M.-L., 1949; Lyubimov P.G. Essays on the history of Russian industry. M.-L., 1947.

51 Kornilov G.E. The population of Verkhoturye in the last hundred years // Verkhoturye region in the history of Russia. Ekaterinburg, 1997. pp. 144-147; Peshkov V.N. Population of the cities of the pre-reform Perm province // Our region. Sverdlovsk, 1971. P.35-38. rez districts of the Perm Kama region, thus being “an organic part of the North Russian ethnographic community53.” In the most general form, the history of Verkhoturye is touched upon in modern general works on the history of individual regions of the country54.

During the Soviet period, the history of the Verkhoturye monasteries, one way or another, was considered in the general works of A.A. Preobrazhensky, M.Yu. Nechaeva, L.P. Shorokhov55, the authors were mainly interested in the problems of the development of their agriculture and land tenure, as well as relationships with the authorities. Directly the history of the Nicholas Monastery of the 17th-20th centuries. articles by P.A. Korchagin, who studied the patterns of its economic evolution and the problems of restructuring the economy on capitalist principles56, and E.V. Pul, whose focus was mainly on the events of the last years of the obi’s existence

The widely celebrated 400th anniversary of Verkhoturye gave rise to a large wave of republication of old works and new publications. But it should be noted that modern literature on historical topics published by the St. Nicholas Monastery, as a rule, is a compilation, and sometimes even a textual collage, from pre-revolutionary publications, with the exception of some local history publications in the newspaper “Verkhoturskaya Starina”.

Scientific centers of the Middle Urals prepared informative popular science essays for the anniversary, in which issues of the historical and architectural-planning development of the city were considered for the first time in parallel58, and collections, many of the articles in which became a significant contribution to the study of regional history, contained hitherto unknown information59.

52 Kalinina T.A. Development of public education in the Urals in the pre-reform period (80s of the 18th century - first half of the 19th century) Perm, 1992.

53 Chagin G.N. Ethnocultural history of the Middle Urals at the end of the 16th - first half of the 19th century. Perm, 1995.

54 History of Siberia. L., 1968; History of the Urals from ancient times to 1861. T.1. M., 1989; Shashkov A.T., Redin D.A. History of the Urals from ancient times to the end of the 18th century. Ekaterinburg, 1996.

55 Preobrazhensky A.A. The grain budget of the monasteries of Western Siberia at the end of the 17th - beginning of the 18th centuries // Abstracts of reports and messages of the XII session of the inter-republican symposium on the agrarian history of Eastern Europe (Riga-Sigulda, October 1970), M., 1970. No. 1; Nechaeva M.Yu. Monasteries and authorities: Management of the monasteries of the Eastern Urals in the 18th century. Ekaterinburg, 1998; Shorokhov L.P. Corporate-patrimonial land ownership and monastic peasants in Siberia in the 17th-18th centuries. (Development of feudal relations and their features). Krasnoyarsk, 1983.

56 Korchagin P.A. History of the Nikolaevsky Monastery in Verkhoturye and the restructuring of its economy in the 19th century: Periodic patterns of development // Research on the history and archeology of the Urals. Perm, 1998. pp. 184-200.

57 Pul E.V. The main stages of the history of the Verkhoturye St. Nicholas Monastery //Verkhoturye region in the history of Russia. Ekaterinburg, 1997. P.75-86; Hers. The fate of the last abbot of St. Nicholas Monastery/UVerkhotursky region in the history of Russia. Ekaterinburg, 1997. P.87-92.

58 Essays on the history and culture of the city of Verkhoturye and the Verkhoturye region: (To the 400th anniversary of Verkhoturye). Ekaterinburg, 1998.

59 Verkhoturye region in the history of Russia. Ekaterinburg, 1997; Cultural heritage of the Russian province: History and modernity. To the 400th anniversary of the city of Verkhoturye. Abstracts of reports and communications of the All-Russian Scientific and Practical Conference on May 26-28, 1998 Ekaterinburg-Verkhoturye. Ekaterinburg, 1998.

A special and large branch of historiography consists of literature about the architectural and historical heritage of Verkhoturye. In the pre-revolutionary period, the architecture of Verkhoturye was the subject of consideration by, perhaps, only one author - A. Glagolev, who gave a brief overview of the architectural monuments of the city60. In the works of other researchers, city churches and monastery buildings were considered only as Orthodox shrines (Hegumen Macarius), and the Kremlin, fort and guest courtyard as necessary elements of the military-administrative and economic functioning of the city (A.A. Dmitriev, A. Romanov).

Verkhoturye again became the focus of attention of domestic architects only in the 50s and early 60s. XX century in connection with the study of general patterns of planning and development of Russian cities. Moreover, initially it served for researchers as practically the only example of a Ural city that was a stronghold of colonization61. But fiJ f\"\ then in the works of N.N. Lyaptsev, N.S. Alferov and R.M. Lotareva, these problems were studied more purposefully, Verkhoturye was considered in the context of the all-Ural urban construction of the 16th-18th centuries and here also served as a kind of standard. For example, the general scheme of a phased development of the composition of administrative-commercial cities was created by N. N. Lyaptsev using the example of Verkhoturye.However, in these works the city layout was taken only as a first approximation, as evidenced by schematic and inaccurate reconstructions illustrating the text.

In the second half of the 70s. Siberian architects became more active, releasing a series of works devoted to the history of architecture and planning of Siberian cities, which at one time included Verkhoturye64. S.N. Balandin clearly showed the characteristic features of the wooden defensive architecture of Siberia as a standard structure

60 Glagolev A. A brief overview of ancient Russian buildings and other domestic monuments, compiled under the Ministry of Internal Affairs. 4.1. Notebook 1. About Russian fortresses. St. Petersburg, 1838; him. Brief overview of ancient Russian buildings and other domestic monuments/Materials for statistics of the Russian Empire. T.1. 1839.

61 Bunin A.B. History of urban planning art. T.1. M., 1953; Tverskoy JT. Russian urban planning until the end of the 17th century. Planning and development of Russian cities. JT.-M., 1953; Shkvarikov V.A. Essay on the history of planning and development of Russian cities, Moscow, 1954.

62 Lyaptsev N.H. Planning and development of the fortified city of Verkhoturye // Issues of architecture and urban planning. Sverdlovsk, 1970. P. 15; him. Historical features of the compositional construction of small cities of the Urals // Questions of the theory and practice of architectural composition. No. 7. M., 1976. P.40-47; him. The role of landscape in the composition of Ural cities // Questions of theory and practice of architectural composition. No. 7. M., 1976. P.47-53.

63 Alferov N.S., Lotareva R.M. Features of the typology and composition of fortified cities in the Urals // Questions of the theory and practice of architectural composition. No. 7. M., 1976. P.28-40.

64 Kochedamov V.I. The first Russian cities of Siberia. M., 1978; Ogly B.I. Construction of cities in Siberia. L., 1980; His own. Formation of planning and development of Siberian cities at the end of the 18th - first half of the 19th centuries // Cities of Siberia (the era of feudalism and capitalism). Novosibirsk, 1978. bodies65. His work still serves as a methodological basis for the reconstruction of walls and towers of Ural and Siberian cities.

Since the 60s Research began on individual architectural complexes of Verkhoturye. History of the construction of the city stone Kremlin, organization and technology of stone construction in Verkhoturye at the beginning of the 18th century. was considered in the works of P.A. Teltevsky, A.S. Terekhin and G.D. Kantorovich, S.B. Kopylova66. The focus is on A.Yu. Kaptikov turned out to be the history of the construction of religious monuments in Verkhoturye and the determination of their location

67 in the architecture of the Russian North, Vyatka and the Urals, and these problems were solved by the author in terms of art history. Book by S.P. Zavarikhin’s “Gateway to Siberia” has an overview and popular character68.

In recent years, E.K. has been fruitfully engaged in problems of construction and architecture. Zolotov69. He developed a periodization of construction and development of the functional planning organization of the city, identified a formal scheme for the placement of urban architectural dominants and a special, unique for Siberian cities way of placing buildings.

70 buildings on two banks of the river and many more. etc. Attention of another Yekaterinburg architect E.V. Dvoinikova turned out to be focused on the formation of a three-dimensional model of the city and issues of protecting the historical and architectural heritage71. These works constitute the modern stage of research into the architecture of Verkhoturye. The architecture of Verkhoturye was also reviewed in foreign works72.

Thus, in the historiography of the Soviet period, no monographic study dedicated to Verkhoturye appeared, although the volume of surviving sources

65 Balandin S.N. Defensive architecture of Siberia in the 17th century // Cities of Siberia (economics, management and culture of Siberian cities in pre-Soviet times). Novosibirsk, 1974.

66 Teltevsky P.A. Trinity Cathedral in Verkhoturye // Architectural Heritage. 1960. No. 12; Terekhin A.S., Kantorovich G.D. Old Russian builders of the Urals//Design, construction and operation of buildings and structures. Perm, 1971; Kopylova S.B. Some issues of organization and technology of stone construction in Siberia at the end of the 17th-18th centuries // Cities of Siberia. The era of feudalism and capitalism. Novosibirsk, 1978. P.285-312; Hers. Stone construction in Siberia: The end of the XVII-XVIII centuries. Novosibirsk, 1979.

67 Kaptikov A.Yu. Compositional and decorative features of the “Moscow Baroque” in the Urals // Questions of theory and practice of architectural composition. No. 7. M., 1976. P.69-80; him. Architectural monuments of the Urals of the 18th century. Baroque in Ural architecture. M., 1978; Folk masons in Russian architecture of the 18th century (on the example of Vyatka and the Urals). M., 1988; His own. Stone architecture of the Russian North, Vyatka and the Urals of the 18th century: Problems of regional schools. Sverdlovsk, 1990.

68 Zavarikhin S.P. Gateway to Siberia. M., 1981.

69 Zolotov E.K. Architecture of the pilgrimage to the relics of the righteous Simeon of Verkhoturye // Verkhoturye region in the history of Russia. Ekaterinburg, 1997. P.48-54; His own. Monuments of Verkhoturye. Ekaterinburg, 1998.

70 Zolotov E.K. Architectural ensemble of Verkhoturye. Issues of its preservation and development. Author's abstract. diss. for academic competition Ph.D. degrees architecture. M., 1988. P. 1-10.

71 Dvoinikova E.V. On the issue of protective zoning of the territory of the historical city of Verkhoturye (formation of a volumetric-spatial model of the city of Verkhoturye as a medieval Russian city) // Archaeological and historical studies of the city of Verkhoturye. Ekaterinburg, 1998. P.16-26.

72 Brumfield M. Siberian Odissey//The Newsletter of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies. v.40.n.2/March 2000. p. 1-5; Brumfield M. Yekaterinburg passage to Asia//Russian life. March-April 2000. p.56-57. seemed to allow this to be done. This work is an attempt to fill this gap in the history of the Urals and Western Siberia.

The purpose of the study is to reveal the history of the city as a socio-economic and urban planning organism, to identify general patterns and development features unique to Verkhoturye. Achieving this goal is possible only by solving two main problems. The first is a functional analysis of the socio-economic development of the city throughout its pre-Soviet history, identifying the patterns that determined this development. A comprehensive study of the history of the construction of Verkhoturye in connection with its socio-economic development became the second task; as a result, the process of the formation of the city’s layout, its initially wooden and then stone buildings, the formation of the unique historical and architectural complex of Verkhoturye should be reconstructed with possible accuracy.

The main methodological principles when writing the dissertation were the principles of historicism and objectivity. Since the city as a historical phenomenon represents a unique model of society as a whole, it seems appropriate to use a systems approach, and, on the one hand, a specific historical city is studied as a set of its functional subsystems (production, public administration, trade and transit, military and cultural). confessional), and on the other hand, it is considered as part of a systemic urban network.

Both general scientific research methods were used - analysis and synthesis, classification, induction and deduction, as well as special historical ones - comparative, retrospective. The problem-chronological method of research is taken as the basis; the provisions and conclusions of the dissertation are based on an analysis of the functional and structural connections of the phenomena being studied. The work widely used statistical methods and the method of harmonic analysis. Mathematical processing of statistical data was carried out using the computer program “Шз1.2-1995” created by O.G. Pensky.

Now, when the works of numerous domestic and foreign historians have outlined the main stages in the evolution of urban life in Russia, it seems possible and necessary to try to trace how these general patterns manifest themselves in the development of a particular city. Naturally, we are not talking about creating a complete, exhaustive history of the city - this is impossible, if only because of the incompleteness of the sources and the limited scope of the dissertation. We can only talk about identifying the core around which the city was formed, its dynamic vector, the main stages of its evolution and specific events through which objective patterns paved their way.

The history of cities in general and of an individual city in a condensed form contains almost all the problems of the historical development of Russian society. But dismemberment of the study, which is possible and necessary when analyzing individual aspects of the functioning of the city as a social organism, is unacceptable if the goal of the researcher is an objective assessment of its place and role in the historical process. The main task is to discover moments of interaction and natural connections between its various aspects and functions, and, if possible, a general principle that determines the development of the city. With this approach, a comprehensive historical study, ideally covering all sources and addressing all problems, is extremely relevant.

A work of 1986 by V.A. became a kind of manifesto for a comprehensive historical study of the cities of the Urals. Oborin and V.A. Shmyrova. In it, the authors, who noted the insufficient degree of knowledge of the history of cities, not only characterized the state and capabilities of the source base, but also formulated the main goals facing researchers: “...establishing the exact dates of the emergence of cities, their geographical location, conditions of emergence, general layout and social topography ; identifying the architectural appearance, landscaping elements, graphic reconstruction of defensive structures and individual buildings, deciphering the names of cities and establishing the relationship of Russian cities with the settlements of the local population.

It is also necessary to comprehensively study the economic life of cities (form of organization, share, the relationship between agriculture, fishing, crafts and trade, the size and form of land ownership of townspeople, etc.), their social composition and the development of class struggle, the origin of the Russian population, its ethnic composition, the structure of city government, the role of the church, the history of the development of material and spiritual culture and the life of citizens, their influence on the rural area.

The most difficult problems are the following: establishing the criteria necessary to define the concept of an urban settlement of this period; determination of types of cities by their subordination (state, privately owned, etc.), by stages of socio-economic development (early feudal, developed, late feudal); evolution of cities (complete death, transformation into rural settlements); transformation of old cities at a new stage of historical development, the emergence of cities of a new type.

A detailed study of all these issues is possible only with the integrated use of various sources, the introduction of new ones into circulation and with mutual verification of their reliability, for example, written documents - archaeological data and vice versa73.” Besides, aw-torv! introduced such a special type of historical sources as architectural monuments and proposed some specific ways of conducting comprehensive research.

By the end of the 80s. More than one and a half dozen historical cities of the Kama region and the Middle Urals were studied archaeologically74. The result of many years of work was the doctoral dissertation of V.A. Oborin, published, unfortunately, only partially - the colonization processes covered in the monograph were traced only to the beginning of the 17th century.75 The work carried out by the KAE PSU in the last decade, in our opinion, already belongs to a new stage of complex research. If earlier the study was of a “survey” nature with the aim of obtaining primary information on all historical cities of the Kama region of the 16th-17th centuries, now we are talking about a targeted study of each specific city throughout its pre-Soviet history.

Obviously, it is worth first of all to understand the definition of the subject of research itself, which, it should be noted, still causes controversy: In Russian historical science, unfortunately, there is still no uniform definition of the term “city”. This situation is due, firstly, to the fact that the nature of the Russian city has changed over time and, secondly, to changes in methodological approaches in the historical science of cities itself. P.P. Tolochko stated in 1989: “The most difficult problem continues to be the origin of ancient Russian cities. The perspective of domestic historiography convinces us that the difficulties in solving it are associated not only with the lack of sufficient source bases, but also with theoretical inadequacy. Many difficulties in understanding such a complex social phenomenon as the ancient Russian city, as shown by the history of domestic and foreign historiography, occur due to the lack of clarity in the definition of the very concept of “city”.

Difficulties with definition are experienced not only by domestic studies. The British historian L. Mumford pessimistically stated back in 1966: “No single definition can be applied to all manifestations, and no single description can cover all its transformations from the embryonic social core to the complex forms of maturity. The city's origins are dark, with much of its past buried or erased beyond recovery."77

73 Oborin V.A., Shmyrov V.A. Characteristics of sources on the history of the cities of the Urals in the 16th-16th centuries.//Village and city of the Urals in the era of feudalism: The problem of interaction. Sverdlovsk, 1986. P.16-17.

74 Makarov L.D. From the history of archaeological research of Russian urban settlements in the river basin. Ka-my//Research on archeology and history of the Urals. Perm, 1998. pp. 137-154.

75 Oborin V.A. Settlement and development of the Urals at the end of the 11th - beginning of the 17th centuries. Irkutsk, 1990.

76 Tolochko P.P. Old Russian feudal city. Kyiv, 1989. P.6.

77 Quoted. by: Tolochko P.P. Old Russian feudal city. Kyiv, 1989. P.7.

Although it should be noted that domestic scientists have been working quite fruitfully on the problem of defining a city for a long time. Ya.E. Vodarsky in the 70s even proposed a classification of existing definitions. In total, he identified four points of view: 1) officially called the city in the sources (S.M. Solovyov, V.O. Klyuchevsky, A.D. Chechulin); 2) commercial and industrial settlement (N.A. Rozhkov, B.D. Grekov, S.V. Bakhrushin, K.N. Serbina, M.Ya. Volkov); 3) a commercial and industrial settlement, a military-administrative center or a settlement that combines the features of both (P.N. Milyukov, Yu.R. Klokman); 4) a commercial and industrial settlement with an urban settlement, i.e. posad community (N.I. Kostomarov, M.N. Tikhomirov, A.M. Sakharov, J1.B. Cherepnin)78. Ya.E. himself Vodarsky joined the latter point of view.

There have also been attempts to define the concept of “city” in historical and geographical studies. P.M. Kabo proposed the following: “the city is one of the forms of placement of ma

70 terial production and settlement of people, participants in production." Perhaps the reduction of the concept of city, which is very convenient for the purposes of geographical science, to “the geographical concentration of the non-agricultural population in individual locations,” cannot be accepted in historical research, since in this case the defined concept includes trading posts, factory settlements, and much more.

Of interest is the definition of a city for the purposes of ethnographic study, proposed by M.G. Rabinovich: “The city is a local economic and cultural center, a relatively large settlement, with a more complex social and economic composition of residents than in rural settlements, the majority of whom are engaged in production for exchange and in exchange, which gives rise to a set of features of home and public life, how different

YAP for those looking for an urban lifestyle." As can be seen from the formulation itself, its main goal was to identify a specific urban way of life. Despite the importance of studying this aspect of the existence of urban settlements, a comprehensive historical study of cities cannot be reduced to it.

However, already in the 80s, scientific thought went further. In 1983 O.G. Bolshakov and V.A.

Jacobson defined a city as “a populated area in which surplus product is concentrated and redistributed.” A.B. Cuza in 1985 somewhat developed this formulation in relation to the early feudal city (the work had an archaeological character

78 Vodarsky Ya.E. Cities and urban population of Russia in the 17th century // Questions of the history of the economy and population of Russia in the 17th century. Essays on historical geography of the 17th century. M., 1974. P.98-99,101-107; Vodarsky Ya.E. Population of Russia at the end of the 17th - beginning of the 18th century. M., 1977. P.115-117.

79 Cabo P.M. Cities of Western Siberia. S.Z.

80 Rabinovich M.G. Towards the definition of the concept “CITY” (for the purpose of ethnographic study)//SE, 1983. No. 3. P. 19.

81 Bolshakov O.G., Yakobson V.A. On the definition of the concept of “city” // History and culture of the peoples of the East (antiquity and the Middle Ages). L., 1983. ter): “...a permanent settlement in which, from the vast rural district-volost, most of the surplus product produced there was concentrated, processed and redistributed.” Contributed by A.B. The additions were supposed to emphasize: 1) the difference between the city and the temporary camps for collecting polyudia - “permanent”; 2) the connection between the city and the rural district (volost) - “extensive”; 3) the most important economic function of the city (craft production) was “processed”; 4) a high degree of concentration in the city of surplus product, means and possibilities for its processing and redistribution

82 in contrast to graveyards, trading posts, fortresses.

And finally, in a 1990 paper by B.N. Mironov meant by city (meaning late feudal): “...a multifunctional settlement with a significant (at least several hundred people) population (its commercial and industrial part constitutes the townsman community), which lives in conditions of a specific way of social life, by its activities organizes in all respects (economic, political, administrative, cultural) the rural district gravitating towards it and unites it

83 into a single state-economic mechanism."

As the same B.N. noted. Mironov, there is still no common point of view among researchers whether a general formational concept of “city” is possible or whether it is fundamentally impossible to find a general definition of a city throughout the entire length of its existence within a region or even one country. Moreover, he himself is inclined to the second view. It seems to us that the first path is more fruitful, since if in the course of its historical development a phenomenon changes so much that it loses its original essence, then it is necessary to recognize the emergence of a completely new phenomenon and, accordingly, give it a new name. It is obvious that such a phenomenon as a city, with all its historicity, has not lost its basic content, as evidenced by the immutability of the very concept of “city”. The task is to discover this unchangeable, fundamental, essential content of this phenomenon.

Despite the obvious differences in the above definitions, it is quite obvious that they proceed from the same premises, and, specifically, the views of K. Marx and F. Engels, who considered cities to be a natural product of the process of social division

82 Archeology of the USSR. Ancient Rus': City, castle, village. M., 1985. P.52.

83 Mironov B.N. Russian city in the 1740-1860s: demographic, social and economic development. L., 1990. P.18. the division of labor in the conditions of the emergence of private property and antagonistic classes84 (however, these views were not disputed by non-Marxist historians85).

O/G functions of cities as their essential quality. Its individual aspects, such as production (redistribution of objects of labor in the process of social production based on the division of labor between city and countryside, individual branches of industry), trade and transit (redistribution of material goods between individuals and regions through commodity exchange), state administrative ( redistribution of surplus product between classes and estates in the form of taxes, etc.), military (redistribution of material wealth through armed violence) and cultural-confessional (based on the division of mental and physical labor) can act at various stages of the city’s existence as historical (transitory) functions inherent to varying degrees in specific cities in different periods of their history.

Historically, the first and main urban function was production, formed on the basis of the second division of labor. It is known that cities are formed as centers of agricultural regions. The development and complexity of production and then trade functions gave rise to others (state-administrative, military, cultural-confessional), which provided the opportunity for cities, through the emerging institutions of power (political, military, judicial) and public institutions (religious), to exercise their dominance over the rural area , manage it.

As the state developed, cities turned from relatively autonomous centers into elements of a systemic urban network, which not only organized the territories subordinate to them, but also united them into a single economic and political organism, into a single country. A hierarchy (in relation to Russia - district, provincial and capital) urban centers was taking shape, each of the highest links of which carried out the function of organizing rural areas on an ever-expanding scale.

Thus, based on already known definitions, a city can be characterized as a permanent settlement, the center of an agricultural territory, in which most of what is produced in it is concentrated, processed and redistributed

84 Marx K., Engels F. Works. Edition 2. T.Z. pp.28-39,49-58; T.21. P.160-163,170-171.

85 Braudel F. Material civilization, economics and capitalism. XV-XVIII centuries T.1. The structure of everyday life: the possible and the impossible. M., 1986. P.509.

86 “The function is understood as the activity of city residents, directed outward, towards communication with the external (for the city) world, the activity that justifies the existence of the city, provides the necessary resources for life.” See Mironov B.N. Russian city in the 1740-1860s: demographic, social and economic development. L., 1990. P. 194. surplus product, e by the population, which lives in conditions of a specific way of social life, through its activities organizes the rural district economically, politically, administratively, culturally and unites it into a single state-economic mechanism.

The presence or absence of individual functions, the degree of their maturity, and more often their specific combination characteristic of a given city, determines the picture of its development at each specific point in time. At the same time, the system of historical urban functions as a whole is variable over time and their specific combination (the predominance of one or more of them) depends on the historical conditions in which the urban settlement itself exists. Thus, the study of the history of a city is, in general, a study of the dynamics of its functioning, and the researcher’s task is to create an objective periodization of this process and characteristics of each identified period. At the same time, it is necessary to reveal the mechanism of the city’s functioning at each stage of its history, to identify the prerequisites, causes, specific historical events and the time of change from one functional period to another.

Naturally, it is impossible to consider the history of an individual city (in our case, Verkhoturye) without its connection with other Russian cities. It is necessary to determine its place in the city system network, i.e. such a structure of cities in which they lose the economic and administrative autonomy of their existence and become an element

87 mi interconnected whole, a single economic and political organism.

On the other hand, the city, being a complex structural formation, consists of several relatively independent institutions (state authorities and public self-government, monasteries and churches, customs, manufacturing enterprises, etc.), which have their own history and patterns of development. They must be taken into account in the course of scientific analysis, but the history of the city cannot be reduced to a simple combination of them. Therefore, this work examines only those aspects of the activities of these institutions that had a significant, determining impact on the development of the city. In our case, there is no need to disclose the details and features of the functioning of customs, city authorities, township communities, etc., just as when studying industrial cities in general, it is unnecessary to study the technological processes of specific urban enterprises. It is especially important to discuss the fact that the history of the Verkhoturye monasteries is considered by us only as the evolution of one of the economic components of the city, and the spiritual sphere of development of the monasteries is left outside the scope of the study. For how

87 Mironov B.N. Russian city in the 1740-1860s: demographic, social and economic development. L., 1990. P.235. wrote V.O. Klyuchevsky: “The pattern of historical phenomena is inversely proportional

88 their spirituality."

Verkhoturye appeared on the map of Russia in 1598, its construction marked the completion of the first stage of Russian colonization of Siberia, therefore the starting date of the study is determined as 1574, i.e. from the moment when the first harbingers of the colonization impulse of the Moscow state to Siberia appeared. At the same time, the formation of the prerequisites for the founding of Verkhoturye as the most important transit and transport center began, through which the Siberian pioneers and pioneers were provided with food. In Soviet times, the economy of the country and Verkhoturye developed within the framework of a planned system, which, unlike the market system, to some extent concealed the visibility of the manifestation of patterns in the economic and socio-political life of the entire society and cities in particular, therefore we did not consider the Soviet period of the existence of Verkhoturye. In 1926, Verkhoturye lost its city status and this non-random event, which characterizes an important stage in its history, is conveniently placed as the upper chronological limit of the study. The chronological framework of the work thus covers three and a half centuries: the last quarter of the 16th century - the first quarter of the 20th century.

From the definition of a city follows the inextricable nature of its connection with the rural district: urban centers not only dictated the order and conditions of its activities, but also significantly depended on it (especially economically); this fact has been observed since their very inception and has not yet lost its significance. relevance. This determines the territorial scope of the study: the history of the city is unthinkable without studying the Verkhoturye district.

Verkhoturye, in a sense, was lucky - this city has always attracted the attention of historians and therefore a large number of sources on its history have already been identified and published, primarily by G.F. Miller, as well as in AI, DAI and RIB90. Many documents, especially on the early history of the city, have been published in various thematic collections, such as “Monuments of Siberian History of the 18th Century.”91 “Ancient Letters of the 16th-17th centuries relating to the foundation and initial structure of the city” are devoted directly to the history of the founding and first years of the existence of Verkhoturye Verkhoturye"92 in "Vremennik."

88 Klyuchevsky V.O. Aphorisms Historical portraits and sketches. Diaries. M., 1993. S.Z.

89 Miller G.F. History of Siberia. T.1. M.-L., 1937, T.2. 1941.

90 Historical acts collected and published by the Archaeographic Commission. T.1-5. St. Petersburg, 1841-1842; Additions to historical acts collected and published by the Archaeographic Commission. T.1-12. St. Petersburg, 1846-1872; Russian Historical Library, published by the Archaeographic Commission. T.1-39. St. Petersburg, 1872-1927.

91 Monuments of Siberian history of the 18th century. Book 1. 1700-1713 St. Petersburg, 1882.

92 Ancient documents of the 16th-17th centuries relating to the foundation and initial structure of the city of Verkhoturya//Vremennik of the Imperial Society of History and Russian Antiquities. Book 25. M., 1857, Book 25.

OIDR and published by the Russian State Library “Verkhoturye charters of the late 16th - early 17th centuries.” , in the article by P.S. Bogoslovsky in “Materials for the Study of the Perm Region”94 and in the work of Abbot Macarius95.

Some documents were published again, and some were published for the first time in the extensive work of V.V. Shishonko “Perm Chronicle”96, which, however, requires a critical approach due to errors and distortions made by the author, a non-professional historian. At the same time, no other work has yet been created that could compare with the “Chronicle.” thematic breadth of sources and chronological coverage. Documents characterizing the state of the wooden and stone fortifications of Verkhoturye were published by A.A. Dmitriev and A. Romanov97. These publications serve as the basis for creating a detailed chronology of the construction of city fortifications. Separate documents related to the construction of the stone Kremlin and the Gostiny Dvor were published in the Kazan “Zavolzhsky ant”98. The Siberian Chronicles have also been published, which reveal many facts that help to shed new light on the history of Verkhoturye in the 17th century, when it was part of the Tobolsk category99.

An important source for studying the history of Verkhoturye are legislative acts published in the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire100 and individual collections101.

General descriptions of Verkhoturye are contained in diaries and descriptions of travelers traveling to Siberia and back through the city. M.P. Alekseev published the most

102 early description of a foreign officer’s trip to Siberia in the 17th century. E.V. Chernyak 1 managed to identify the author of this diary. Most of these descriptions

93 Verkhoturye charters of the late 16th - early 17th centuries. 4.1-2. M., 1982.

94 Bogoslovsky P.S. Verkhoturye royal charters (beginning of the 17th century)//Materials on the study of the Perm region. Issue 5. Perm, 1915. P.10-32.

95 Macarius. Ancient letters of the 16th and 17th centuries relating to the foundation and initial structure of the city of Verkhoturya // Vremennik OIDR. T.25. P.4-12.

96 Shishonko V.N. Perm Chronicle. Lane 1. Perm, 1881; Lane 2. 1882; Lane Z. 1884; Lane 4. 1884; Lane 5. 4.1. 1885.4.2. 1887.4.3. 1889.

97 Dmitriev A.A. Verkhoturye Kremlin and its subordinate fortresses according to descriptions of the 17th and early 17th centuries // PGV. 1885.No. 4.7-14; Romanov G. Wooden fortress of the city of Verkhoturye in 1687 // PGV, 1860, No. 46; him. Servicemen and military shells of the Verkhoturye fortress in 1687 // PGV. 1861, No. 29.

98 Certificate of construction of the fortress and the former Gostiny DvorU/Zavolzhsky Ant. No. 13. July 1854. pp. 284-294.

99 Complete collection of Russian chronicles. T.36. Siberian Chronicles. 4.1. Group of the Esipov Chronicle. M., 1987.

100 PS31. St. Petersburg, 1830.

101 Class-legal status and administrative structure of the indigenous peoples of North-Western Siberia (horses of the 16th - early 20th centuries). Collection of legal acts and documents. Tyumen, 1999.

102 Alekseev M.P. An unknown description of a foreigner’s journey to Siberia in the 17th century // Historical archive. M.-JL, 1936; him. Siberia in the news of Western European travelers and writers. Irkutsk, 1941.

103 4ernyak E.V. New information about the diary of a trip to Siberia by an unknown foreign author in 1666 // Russian state of the 17th - early 20th centuries. Economics, politics, culture. Abstract. report conf., dedicated 380th anniversary of the restoration of Russian statehood (1613-1993). Ekaterinburg, 1993. was made in the 18th - early 19th centuries. participants of academic expeditions104. And although most of these descriptions are very general, they complement other sources well.

In recent years, in connection with the 400th anniversary of the city, new publications of hitherto unknown documents have appeared in the press. Among them, one can note a collection of documents dedicated to the churches of the city of Verkhoturye, published by GASO105; the “List of Paintings” of the Kremlin and Gostiny Dvor of 1777 was also published106

The main iconographic images of Verkhoturye (lithographs, engravings, watercolors)

107 li) were published in various kinds of albums and illustrated publications. There are numerous photographs with views of the city taken by V. Metenkov, photographers of the Nikolaevsky Monastery and other authors108. Partially published plans for the city of Verkhoturye109. The particular significance of iconographic sources was evident during the reconstruction and restoration of buildings and structures in Verkhoturye. Without them, it would be impossible to restore in detail the appearance of the city’s historical and cultural monuments.

Historical, biographical and, especially, statistical information is concentrated in all kinds of reference books, dictionaries110 and catalogs111, in the corresponding sections of various “Descriptions”, “Materials”, “Lists”, etc.112, specialized articles

104 Lepekhin I.I. Continuation of the day's notes of the trip in 1771. Ch.Z. St. Petersburg, 1780. P.77-78; Pallas P.S. Travel to different places of the Russian State in 1770 T.Z. St. Petersburg, 1786. P. 337, etc.

105 Evidence from history. Publication of documents. Issue 7. From the history of Verkhoturye temples. Ekaterinburg, 1998.

106 Korchagin P.A. “Mural list” of the Kremlin and the Verkhoturye Gostiny Dvor in 1777 // Archaeological and historical research of the city of Verkhoturye. Ekaterinburg, 1998. P.58-67.

107 Alekseeva M.A. Collection of Russian and Siberian cities. Series of engravings from the 18th century//Collection of the State Russian Museum. T.8. M.-L, 1964. P.65-66; GPB. Album of engravings by M.I. Makhaev St. Petersburg, 1770. P. 7; Published: History of the Urals from ancient times to 1861. M., 1989. P. 185. Fig.33; Murchison R. Geology of European Russia and the Ural Mountains. London, 1845. (in English); Kupfer A.Ya. Traveling through the Urals. 1828. Album. Paris, 1833 (French), etc.

108 See for example: GASO. Photo fund; GAPO. Photo fund; POKM. Photo fund; Bib-ka UV RAZHVIZ. Kart. "A-B". Rub. Verkhoturye.

109 Zolotov E.K. Monuments of Verkhoturye. Ekaterinburg, 1998. P.15-18.

110 New and complete geographical dictionary of the Russian state or lexicon. 4.1. A-J. M., 1788; German K. Statistical studies regarding the Russian Empire. 4.1. St. Petersburg, 1819; Nevolin K.A. General list of Russian cities//Nevolin K.A. Full composition of writings. T.6. St. Petersburg, 1859; Chupin N.K. Geographical and statistical dictionary of the Perm province. Issue 2. "IN". Perm, 1875; Krivoshchekov I.Ya. Dictionary of the Verkho-Tursky district of the Perm province, with a general historical and economic outline and an appendix of a map of the district within the boundaries of the administrative division of Russia in 1734. Perm, 1910.

111 Romodanovskaya E.K. Slavic-Russian manuscripts of the scientific library of Tomsk University//TODRL. T.26. L., 1971; Manuscripts from the library of the Tobolsk Provincial Museum. Systematic catalog compiled by M.V. Filippov/Yearbook of the Tobolsk Provincial Museum. Issue 16. Tobolsk, 1907.

112 Historical and geographical description of the Perm province, composed for the atlas of 1800. Perm, 1801; Popov N.S. Economic description of the Perm province according to its civil and natural state. Ch.Sh. St. Petersburg, 1804; Mosel X. Materials for the geography and statistics of Russia, collected by officers of the General Staff. Perm Province. 4.1-2. St. Petersburg, 1864; Balbashevsky G.I. Historical sketch of the civil structure of the Perm region.//Collection of materials for familiarization with the Perm province. Perm, 1891. Issue III and other scientific publications113, “Address calendars and memorial books of the Perm province”114, “Reviews of the Perm province”115, as well as numerous zemstvo publications116 and many other publications. Unfortunately, data for the same years, given in various sources, vary significantly (this is especially true for information about the number and class of the population of Verkhoturye) depending on the type - audit, police or other - registration117. However, they are enough to present the general dynamics of the city's development.

At the same time, the bulk of sources on the history of Verkhoturye, naturally, remains unpublished, although much has already been done to familiarize the scientific community with the contents of the most interesting funds of the central archives118. The research involved materials from several collections of central and regional archives, regional and district museums.

The Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (RGADA) contains the most interesting materials on the early (XVIII-XVIII centuries) history of Verkhoturye, both socio-economic and the history of its construction. In fund 199 (Miller's Portfolios) documents were found on the construction and repairs of the wooden and stone kremlins of Verkhoturye, the Intercession Convent, on city fires, in fund 210 (Rank Order) on the construction of a prison at the end of the 17th century. and the discovery of the “famous stone” by T. Gusev. In Fund 214 (Siberian Order), the greatest interest is presented by the censuses of M. Tyukhin in 1624 and M. Bibikov and E. Mikhailov in 1670, the materials of the 1st revision of 1720, “City Lists” of 1700-1711, as well as “Book. structures of the stone guest yard." Separate, sometimes very interesting documents were discovered in fund 248 (Senate) - about the settlement of captured Swedes in Verkhoturye at the beginning of the 18th century, about the renovation of the Gostiny Dvor in 1751, in fund 415 (Siberian Provincial Chancellery) there is correspondence about the repair of the Kremlin in the 1770s Statement

113 See at least: Cities of Russia in 1904. St. Petersburg, 1906; Urban settlements in the Russian Empire. St. Petersburg, 1863; Statistical tables of the Russian Empire. Issue 2. Current population of the empire for 1858. St. Petersburg, 1863, etc.

114 Address-calendar and memorial book of the Perm province for 1894-1917. Perm, 1893-1917.

115 Review of the Perm province for 1898-1915. Perm, 1899-1917.

116 For example: General report of the Verkhoturye district zemstvo government to the 4th regular meeting on its activities for the first three years, from June 1870 to September 1873. St. Petersburg, 1874; Journals of the Verkhoturye District Zemstvo Assembly of the 43rd Regular Session of 1912 with related reports and other documents. Verkhoturye, 1912.

117 Scientific criticism of such sources should be based on the development of a holistic methodology for reconstructing the size and social structure of the population of Russian cities, which, unfortunately, is now in an embryonic state. A complete reconstruction of the socio-demographic dynamics of Verkhoturye would require work no less than this dissertation, so the author had to resort to such research only in cases where it was necessary to achieve the goals of this study.

118 Report on fund 1111 TSADA - documents of the Verkhoturye administrative hut // Questions of history. 1973. No. 12; Omakina E.H. Archive of the Verkhoturye official hut at the end of the 16th - beginning of the 18th century. in the meeting of N.P. Rumyantse-va//GBL. Notes from the manuscript department. Issue 41. M., 1980.

Verkhotursk customs for 1743, City list of 1741, documents on the commercial and industrial activities of M.M. Pokhodyashin are stored in fund 474 (Verkhotursk Voivodeship Office).

Of greatest interest to researchers is Fund 1111 (Verkhotursk Prikaznaya Izba), where the census books of Verkhoturye by M. Tyukhin from 1624, G. Chertkov and A. Bernatsky from 1666, documents on the exploration and development of ore resources of the Urals by D. Tu-mashev in 1647, 1654-55, 1669, 1672, expeditions in search of silver by Ya.T. Khitrovo 1672-1673, certificates of grain shortages in 1657 and 1673, letters of unrest and raids of the local population in 1604, 1640-1641, 1652-1653, 1663-1666, 1673, 1687, 1692-1693 and 1699 associated with them military preparations in Verkhoturye and the district, numerous orders of the central government, reflecting the social and economic policy of the government - on the melting of copper coins into wine cubes in 1665, the ban on hunting in yasak lands in 1676, decrees on the construction of the Nevyansk plant in 1700, documents documenting the development of the customs crisis in Verkhoturye in the 70s. XVII century The fund contains many documents about city fires, construction, deterioration and repair of wooden Kremlin and fort, Gostiny Dvor, prison, city monasteries in 1605, 1644, 1650, 1664-1665, 1672, 1682-1683, 1692-1693. There are documents related to stone construction, among them, a description of the Gostiny Dvor and a drawing of the executive chamber. Of particular value are the materials of the first revision, which clarify the place of birth of M.M. Pohodyashin.

Economic notes to the General Land Survey (f. 1355) characterize the economic situation of Verkhoturye, contain a description of the occupations of its population, give an idea of ​​the appearance and layout of the city (down to street names), the state of education and much more. Fund 1398 (Verkhoturye district commissar) contains documents on registration in the Verkhoturye merchant class, but the most interesting is the “Painted list. to the building of the city of Verkhoturye", which contains a detailed description of the buildings of the Kremlin and the Gostiny Dvor in 1777.

The Russian State Historical Archive (RGIA) preserves mainly documents related to urban management and construction. Fund 1285 (Department of State Economy and Public Buildings) contains materials on the renovation of two wine shops on Gostiny Dvor in 1794, “Inventory. Verkhoturye mayor Major Silin" 1818, estimates in 1828 for the construction of a public office building, extensive correspondence about the construction of a new prison stockade in the 30s. XIX century, in fund 1286 (Executive Police Department), drawings of facades and floor plans of the building of public places were discovered. Fund 1287 (Economic Department) contains documents containing the conditions for registration as merchants and philistines of the city of Verkhoturye in 1849, the decision to allocate funds in 1829 for the construction of a guest courtyard, long-term (1829-1844) correspondence about the construction of shops Gostiny Dvor, as well as a description of Verkhoturye in 1900. In the fund of the Land Survey Department (f. 1350) “Economic notes to the Atlas of the Perm province” of 1800 were deposited, containing information about the number of the population of Verkhoturye, and in the fund 1399 (Maps, plans and drawings of the St. Petersburg Senate archive) a “Plan for a currently existing stone building in the city of Verkhoturye” from the end of the 19th century was discovered.

In fund 28 (Verkhotursk voivodskaya hut) of the archive of the St. Petersburg branch of the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, documents from the 1620s were identified. about the conversion of exiles into arable peasants, about the founding of the village. Merkushino and the construction of ships there, about the replacement of Pomeranian districts with “Siberian holidays” from bread to money (1632) and back (1643), the transfer of the distillery outside the city limits (1639), about the fires of 1627 and 1639, the construction of a fort after the fire and Gostiny Dvor. Unfortunately, the fund does not have an inventory, so it has not been fully explored.

In the auxiliary fund of the Verkhoturye Historical and Architectural Museum-Reserve (VF VGIAMZ) handwritten memoirs about the establishment of Soviet power and the civil war in Verkhoturye “Obelisk of Eternal Glory” (1968) and memoirs of N.M. Likhanov “Contemporaries about the past.”

In the funds of the State Archives of the Perm Region (GAPO), documents characterizing almost all aspects of life in Verkhoturye were studied. Fund 36 (Perm provincial government) contains the “Report of the 7th class mayor Cherkasov” from 1802, fund 65 (Office of the Perm governor) contains materials on the creation of the Verkhoturye fair (1802), a message from the Verkhoturye lower court to the Perm governor about the absence of district of wineries (1806), “Report on the cities of the [Perm] province for the approval of the staff of the city police” (1814-1815), “Information of the Verkhoturye mayor for the Statistical Department of the Police Department” (1824), report of the mayor I. Popov to the Statistical Department about population of the city (1826), “Gazette of the Verkhoturye city government on the number of residents in the city of Verkhoturye” (1826), “On the condition in the Perm province. stone establishments” by the vice-governor of Prince Volkonsky and the mayor’s report on this matter (1804), “Description. existing in this city of Verkhoturye, an ancient building from the remnant of 1827.” district judge I. Popov, I. Popov’s response to a circular request from the Department of State Economy and Public Buildings of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (1826) and many others. etc.

In the fund of the Perm Treasury Chamber (f. 111) a “Journal on the verification of trade and industrial enterprises and personal trade activities in the city of Verkhoturye” of 1912 was found, in fund 297 (Historical archive of PUAK) information was found that in 1826 the population of Yamskaya Sloboda was classified as a peasant and was in this status according to

1836. It also contains the responses of the priest of the Znamenskaya Church P. Toropov to the “Program for the description of church buildings, monasteries and parishes of the Perm province” of 1901. In fund 316 (Perm viceroyal government) a number of interesting documents have been preserved, among which: the decree of Catherine II from March 16, 1792 to the Verkhoturye mayor about the improvement of the city, a report from the elder I. Zelentsov from the Verkhoturye city magistrate dated June 3, 1781 about the condition of the Kremlin buildings, information about the fires of 1716 and 1762.

In fund 603 (Nikolaevsky Monastery) of the State Archives of the Sverdlovsk Region (GASO) an undated list of the monastery property of the late 18th century with additions from the beginning of the 19th century, audit tales of 1816, 1834 have been preserved. and materials of the 10th national census of 1858, a letter from Abbot Afanasy in 1824 to the Bishop of Perm and Verkhoturye about the canonization of Simeon of Verkhoturye, copies of letters from private individuals for 1857-1865, “testifying miraculous healings from funeral prayers to righteous Simeon.” Documents from 1860 on the development of a system for distributing monastic publications, materials on the construction and repairs of the Nicholas and Transfiguration churches, and the “main stone building” were also discovered here. In f. 606 (Verkhoturye district treasury) it was possible to find an estimate for the construction of a stone building of the district treasury in 1905 and a “List of residents of the city of Verkhoturye subject to progressive income tax for 1918.”

The Manuscripts Department of the Russian State Library (RSL, f. 218) preserves individual documents from the third quarter of the 17th century. about the significant strengthening of the Verkhoturye garrison in connection with the peasant war of S. Razin and the Bashkir uprising. But the census of the population of the city of I. Koryakov, which took place in 1669, is of greatest value.

A total of 186 cases were studied in 40 collections of nine archival repositories. Most of these sources are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. During the research in GAPO119, RGVIA120, RGIA and RGADA, a collection of plans of the city of Verkhoturye from the last quarter of the 18th - 19th centuries was selected, as well as a number of architectural drawings that helped clarify many aspects of urban construction that were not sufficiently reflected in written sources.

A separate topic and relatively new direction of research in Verkhoturye is the archaeological study of the city. It began in 1967 with small exploration work by KEA

119 GAPO. F.278 - Drawing room of the Perm provincial government; F.279 - Collection of plans, maps and drawings deposited in the funds of the provincial drafting and survey commission and in the Perm land management detachment; F.716 - Collection of cartographic plans.

120 ppg^jA. F.Military-scientific archive.

PGU121. After a long break in 1988, by order of the State Research and Production Center for the Protection of Historical and Cultural Monuments of the Sverdlovsk Region, Ural State University archaeologists established small excavations on the territory of the Verkhoturye Kremlin. Since 1989, the forces of the KAE PGU122 were involved in the historical, architectural and archaeological research of the State Scientific and Practical Center in the Kremlin and Verkhoturye Posad and this work continued until 1995, and from the moment of the creation of the archaeological research department of the State Scientific and Practical Center until the end of the decade, complex work was carried out annually together with the PGU , IERZh Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, etc. In parallel, in 1989-1990. An archaeological study of the Nikolaev Monastery was carried out by the USU expedition. The available archaeological materials not only significantly complement the existing written sources, in a number of cases they make it possible to obtain new information that is missing in the documents. This is especially true for the material culture of Verkhoturye: urban housing, the life of citizens. Excavations in the Kremlin created the prerequisites for the reconstruction of its walls and towers. The main results of these studies were highlighted in a thematic collection published by the State Scientific and Practical Center.

The scientific novelty of the work lies, first of all, in the development of a scientific definition of an urban settlement as a redistribution center. A definition applicable to any city of any historical era, applicable to both early feudal, late feudal, and capitalist cities. Although in the scientific literature, on the contrary, there were voices that recognized the formulation of a general definition of the city as impossible. This functional definition also implies the approach to studying the history of a city as an analysis of changes in a set of basic urban functions, and the creation of a periodization of the city’s history in accordance with the dynamics of its socio-economic development.

The work is the first to highlight the “preliminary” period of the emergence of an urban settlement, which has well-defined chronological boundaries. What is considered is not the reasons in general, not the most general preconditions, but very specific events that predetermined the specific time and place of the city’s emergence. The preliminary period must be considered as an integral part of history, not only of Verkhoturye, but also of any other city.

The period of formation of Verkhoturye as a socio-economic and urban planning organism is especially highlighted. For a set of urban functions does not appear ready-made at the moment

121 Denisov V.P., Oborin V.A. Research in the Perm and northern Sverdlovsk regions//Archaeological discoveries of 1967. M., 1968;

122 Korchagin P.A., Oborin V.A., Sokolova N.E. Archaeological research of the city of Verkhoturye//Archaeological discoveries of the Urals and the Volga region. Izhevsk, 1991. pp. 174-176; Korchagin P.A., Oborin V.A. Archaeological research in the historical cities of the Northern Urals // Archaeological discoveries in 1993. M., 1994. P. 146. foundation of a settlement, it takes some time for the city’s inherent way of existence to form, for the optimal infrastructure to provide the most significant sectors of the city’s economy, for the population to reach a minimum sufficient level, and for the social structure of urban society to meet the requirements of city development.

Using the example of Verkhoturye, the peculiarity of the formation of cities that arose in the areas of Russian colonization was revealed. They did not grow in a “classical” way as a result of the development of the agricultural region, but, on the contrary, from the moment of their founding they served as centers from which the agricultural development of the region was directed. Before the creation of their own agricultural district, the Pomeranian counties served as a kind of “allocated” agricultural periphery for them, from which grain and commodity “exempts” were sent to Siberia for several decades. For the first time, a scientific analysis of the fullness of the city budget, the search for escaped peasants and townspeople, unrest and raids of the indigenous population was carried out. These processes turned out to be very closely related to the frequency of crop yields in the county. The economic and political situation in Verkhoturye directly depended on the prosperity of agriculture, which is not surprising for a feudal country.

In the second half of the 18th century. In the era of the unfolding price revolution, Verkhoturye acquired the features of a “dispersed city,” which was a consequence of the general “dispersal” of urbanization and industrialization in a country where the separation of city and countryside had not yet completely occurred. Verkhoturye, as the center of the “Pokhodyashinsky” private mining district, was a special case of this phenomenon.

The generally accepted point of view needs correction that the decline in the economic life of Verkhoturye in the second half of the 18th century. was exclusively connected with the closure of customs and the opening of the Siberian Highway. Although the significance of these events cannot be denied, however, one cannot ignore the economic power of M.M.’s mining empire. A similar tire, which had a serious impact on the city economy. The beginning of the decline of Verkhoturye must be dated not to 1764, but to 1781-1791, when the Great Postal Road through Perm - Kungur - Yekaterinburg - Kamyshlov was opened, and the Bogoslovsky factories were sold to the treasury, coming under the jurisdiction of Yekaterinburg.

The crisis of Russian cities” captured at the beginning of the 19th century. and Verkhoturye. The causes of the crisis have already been analyzed in detail in the scientific literature, but its scale and dynamics in relation to an individual city have been analyzed for the first time. City income statistics

123 Archaeological and historical research of the city of Verkhoturye. Ekaterinburg, 1998. The data of Verkhoturye is incomplete, and is not suitable for analysis, since during this period the city was subsidized, therefore data from revision tales about the number of merchants were used. The method for reconstructing the weather population of urban merchants is the author’s development.

Using the example of Verkhoturye, a type of transformation of a feudal city into a capitalist city, which has not yet been fully described in historical science, has been studied. Center for religious pilgrimage, as a special case of performing a recreational function. B.N. Mironov identifies recreational functions among urban functions, but among the types of cities he distinguishes only administrative-military, agricultural, mixed type, commercial and industrial 124. And although this type of city is rare in Russian history, it is necessary to highlight it as one of the ways of “transforming a city from a predominantly agricultural to a predominantly industrial and commercial center.” This is exactly the path that was characteristic of Verkhoturye in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries.

The novelty also lies in the implementation, on the one hand, of the always declared, and on the other hand, the still undeveloped research principle of the dependence of the formation of the urban historical and architectural environment on the socio-economic development of the city. As a result of a comprehensive study, socio-economic, socio-political and other factors that influenced the architectural and historical environment of Verkhoturye were identified, the dynamics of the construction of individual buildings and ensembles, the development of urban planning were studied, and the appearance of individual objects and parts of the city was reconstructed. Using examples of the construction and functioning of wooden and stone city kremlins, St. Nicholas and Intercession monasteries, parish churches, Gostiny Dvor and ordinary buildings, it was possible to show specific forms and ways of determining the architectural appearance of a city by its economic and social development.

In addition, this work is the first monographic study of the socio-economic history of Verkhoturye in Russian historiography.

The structure of the work is predetermined by the general logic of the study. The first chapter examines the socio-economic history of Verkhoturye: the reasons and prerequisites for the founding of the city, the features and timing of its formation as an urban center, the dynamics of the main historical functions inherent in it as a redistribution center of the agricultural district, an administrative, transit-transport and cultural-confessional center. The patterns of its economic and social development are studied.

124 Mironov B.N. Russian city. P.205.

The second chapter is devoted to the history of urban construction. The history of construction in Verkhoturye, the formation of its architectural face with a “non-general expression”, along with the history of the city society, is an integral part of the general history of the city. The study of the formation of the urban historical and architectural environment allows us to comprehensively and, most importantly, objectively reconstruct a living and visual picture of the historical past. Although the mere statement of the fact of the influence of socio-economic conditions on urban construction and architecture is by no means new, only a comprehensive historical study allows us to fully reveal the specific forms of this influence. And to the extent that this is possible, architecture turns from “frozen music” into “frozen history.”

The section reveals the pattern of the founding of Verkhoturye precisely at the specific place of its origin. Based on a sufficient number of documentary and archaeological sources, the stages of construction of individual architectural and historical ensembles of Verkhoturye, the patterns of formation of the architectural and historical environment of the city in close connection with its socio-economic development are determined. Trying not to intrude into the areas of interest of professional architects and art historians, the author sought to show the inextricable unity and interaction of the “city of people” and the “city of houses.”

The work is supplied with tables and graphs that clearly illustrate the author’s conclusions, and graphic reconstructions of architectural objects and ensembles discussed in the study.

As world practice shows, the sustainable development of cities (the main modern criterion for the effectiveness of investments) is impossible without the preservation and reconstruction of their historical and architectural environment and, more broadly, the historical and cultural heritage in general. The results obtained in the dissertation can be used to create general works, lecture courses and textbooks on the history of Russia and the Urals; the materials and conclusions of the study are applicable in the activities of government bodies, especially at the city and regional levels.

During archaeological research in 1989-1998. Verkhoturye served as a kind of testing ground for the development of methodology and techniques for complex historical research.

125 findings, the results of excavations by the KAE PSU team and the author’s archival research were reflected in scientific reports and historical references, on the basis of which the State Research and Production Center for the Protection of Historical and Cultural Monuments of the Sverdlovsk Region is now carrying out extensive work on

125 Korchagin P.A. Some questions of methodology, methods and organization of complex historical and archaeological research in the cities of the Urals/Southern archaeological research in the Middle Urals. Issue 3 Ekaterinburg, 1999. P.210-221. reconstruction and restoration of the walls and towers of the stone Kremlin, Nikolaevsky and Pokrovsky monasteries of Verkhoturye. Collections from the excavations of the KAE PSU served as the basis for the archaeological exhibition of the Verkhoturye Museum-Reserve, copies of identified archival and literary sources were made available to the directorate, and scientific conclusions formed the basis for the emerging concept of the museum-reserve. The successful experience of historical and archaeological research on a monument of the late Middle Ages and modern times served as a precedent for the development of research of this kind in Yekaterinburg,

Izhevsk and Chelyabinsk. The research results were presented in reports and communications at international, Russian and regional scientific and scientific-practical conferences in Berezniki (1994-2000), Yekaterinburg (1998-1999), Kungur (1997), Moscow (1999), Perm (1990-1997), Tobolsk (2000). The content of the dissertation work is presented in 26 scientific publications, including one monograph.

126 Kuznetsova E.V., Pogorelov S.N. Archaeological research in Yekaterinburg//Perm region: History, modernity and prospects. Materials of the international scientific-practical conferences. Berezniki, 2001. P.79-83; Makarov L.D., Medvedeva T.A. The first security observations of the remains of modern times in Izhevsk // Perm region: History, modernity and prospects. Materials of the international scientific-practical conferences. Berezniki, 2001. P.95-101.

Conclusion of the dissertation on the topic “National History”, Korchagin, Pavel Anatolyevich

CONCLUSION

The history of Verkhoturye is not the largest part of the Ural and Russian history. But no matter how small the city was, it, together with the whole country, went through all the trials, triumphs and tragedies that befell their common lot. In the history of Verkhoturye, as in a prism, the historical processes taking place in Russian society were refracted, which is why a comprehensive study of its socio-economic and cultural evolution allows us to reach a new, higher level of scientific generalization. On the other hand, Verkhoturye had a different geographical and economic location from other urban centers, which left a special imprint on its formation. Researchers have a unique opportunity to observe a wide variety of possible paths, forms and methods of economic and social development, within the framework of the general patterns of social progress.

Founding of Verkhoturye at the end of the 16th century. became a natural result of the previous historical development of the region and the country as a whole. End of the 16th century was the completion of the first stage of Russian colonization of Siberia, when its western part was developed and the need arose to provide the explorers with everything necessary, primarily food, for further advancement to the east. It was by 1597 that the Babinovskaya road was laid and the following year Verkhoturye was founded, replacing the Lozvinsky town as a transshipment point, which was located aside from the new route. The place and time of construction of the city was predetermined by the course of Russian colonization of Siberia. It arose at the most convenient place of the shortest route to Siberia, at the junction of a difficult land section (Babinovskaya road) and a river route, which provided access to any point in the Ob-Irtysh region. During the construction of Verkhoturye, the experience of colonization of the western slope of the Urals was used, when Russian settlements were established on the site or next to the settlements of the aboriginal population of the region.

The 17th century in scientific and local history literature is often called the “golden age” of Verkhoturye, and there is some truth in this. Built on the border of European Russia and Siberia, the city very quickly became the most important transit and transport point through which huge flows of people and goods passed, ensuring the unprecedented rapid development of the country's new Asian territories.

However, not only, and perhaps not so much, the developing trade and transit functions became the basis for the growth of the city. Verkhoturye almost immediately became the center of agricultural development of a vast region, covering almost the entire Middle Trans-Urals. And by the end of the first quarter of the 17th century. The main city-forming function of Verkhoturye finally took shape - the function of redistributing surplus product between the city and its rural district. The city became the center of a large agricultural region and a large grain market in Siberia. This revealed a distinctive feature of the emergence of urban centers in areas of colonization: cities here did not grow naturally out of the need to organize rural areas, but, on the contrary, were founded by the government to create an agricultural periphery around them. In order to somehow maintain the existence of cities in areas where agriculture was still absent, the government resorted to sending “Siberian holidays” to the Urals, mainly grain and flour from Pomeranian cities.

As for the customs functions of Verkhoturye (namely, they are especially famous), it should be noted that their heyday occurred during the period when in European Russia everywhere, as a result of the activities of A.L. Ordina-Nashchekin, the liquidation of internal customs was underway. Thus, we must note the peculiarity of the Siberian customs system, the emergence of which was associated not with feudal fragmentation, but with the special colonial status of the recently annexed Siberian lands. The “Golden Age” of Verkhoturye is the century of colonial Siberia, and the decline of the city was largely predetermined by the transformation of the colony into an ordinary region of the country. It was at the end of the 17th century. The area of ​​the Verkhoturye district reached its largest size; it included almost all the Trans-Ural lands, partly the Urals and territories that now belong to Western Siberia.

The first sign of the impending decline of Verkhoturye was the customs crisis of the late 17th century, which showed, firstly, the need to change the government’s customs and overall economic policy towards Siberia, and, secondly, the relative success of Siberian agriculture and crafts, indicating the end of mainly colonization processes.

At the end of the 17th - beginning of the 18th century. Due to its administrative position, Verkhoturye for a short time became the center of mining development of the Urals. City governors ensured the construction of Nevyansky, Alapaevsky, Vyysky and other plants, but after the creation of a special body for the construction and management of the metallurgical industry, the Siberian Oberbergamt, the city lost this important role for its development. At the same time, there was a sharp narrowing of the territory actually dependent on Verkhoturye due to the allocation of the Yekaterinburg government and private mountain dachas, which negatively affected the completeness of its administrative functions.

Peter's reforms and the expansion of trade and economic ties between Russia and Western Europe led to the fact that the beginning of the price revolution spurred the process of the formation of a single national market, which finally ended in the first quarter of the 19th century, but already in the 60s. XVIII century Siberia was included in Russian economic relations on a general basis. In the second and third quarter of the 18th century. Verkhoturye customs existed mainly to service trade with China, but after its temporary cessation (in 1764) it finally ceased its activities. As a result of the secularization reform of Catherine II that occurred simultaneously, the economy of the city monasteries, an important component of the economy of Verkhoturye, was undermined.

In the second half of the 18th century. For some time, Verkhoturye played the role of a regional mountain capital in a special form of a “dispersed city,” serving the private mountain district of M.M. Pokhodyashin, but with his death and the sale of the copper smelters to the treasury, the city lost this function, practically retaining only the purely administrative one from the former variety of functions.

The territory that gravitated towards Verkhoturye steadily shrank, the total area of ​​the county decreased during all the administrative and territorial transformations in the country: during the reforms of 1781, a special Irbit county was separated from its composition, and depending on the city, only 52.7 thousand square meters remained . verst.

The first half of the 19th century was especially difficult for the city, an era called the period of “the decline of Russian cities.” The decrease in the economic importance of Verkhoturye in the systemic urban network of the country and region was at its maximum at that moment. This point is well marked by the sharp decline in the number of Verkhoturye merchants from 40 in 1803 to 12 in 1823. But in Verkhoturye there was found the basis for the economic and cultural revival of the city. Moreover, the process of transformation of a feudal city into a capitalist one, to which almost all Russian cities were subjected at that time, turning into commercial and industrial centers, had its own characteristics in Verkhoturye.

The basis for the renewal of Verkhoturye at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. became capitalist modernization, the restructuring of the economy of the St. Nicholas Monastery, which took place in the 1820-1890s. XIX century These transformations were part of the “industrial revolution” - a broad process that covered almost all spheres of social development: industrial, economic, social and cultural, which entailed fundamental changes in the life of society. The administration of the Nicholas Monastery used all measures to attract pilgrims to the relics of St. Simeon of Verkhoturye and their ever-increasing flow became the basis for the economic well-being of the monastery and the city.

In the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. The leading function of Verkhoturye has become recreational, which from a modern point of view, as is known, includes the organization of tourism, recreation and treatment of people, and services for people who have retired. It was based on the traditional occupations of the inhabitants of the city, which had long been associated with trade and service activities. This function turned out to be closely connected (as a flip side) with another cultural and religious function - a function inherent in the city. It had two components: religious and educational. People employed in these areas made up a significant part of the urban population.

Conducted at the beginning of the 20th century. near the city, the railway, the appearance of the telegraph and telephone, and the improvement of dirt roads contributed to the development of external relations of Verkhoturye, ultimately “returning” it to the systemic network of Russian cities. At the same time, the main city-forming function of the organizational center of the rural district expanded noticeably due to the massive influx of immigrants to the district during the Stolypin agrarian reform.

The revolutionary events of 1917, a sharp change in the ideological foundations of society, the orientation of the authorities, primarily towards developed industrial cities, where the victorious proletariat constituted the majority, led to the fact that the cultural, religious and recreational functions of Verkhoturye were forcibly suppressed, and the administrative functions and functions redistribution center of the rural district have decreased significantly. The sufficient economic basis for the existence of the city in its traditional capacity disappeared and in 1926 Verkhoturye lost its city status and regained it only on April 2, 1947, in commemoration of its 350th anniversary.

The forward movement of the city was not carried out linearly, but through multiple recessions and ascents. The social and economic progress of Verkhoturye was realized through periodic crises (relative overproduction and structural), which forced the authorities and society to look for new ways of development in all spheres of life.

Analysis of the formation and evolution of the historical and architectural environment of Verkhoturye indicates that the construction of fortifications, public and residential buildings is closely connected with the socio-economic history of society as a whole and of the individual city. The dominant functions of the city determined the place of its foundation (at the convergence point of land and river trade and transport routes), the nature of the fortified structures (the open perimeter of the Kremlin, convenient for receiving convoys with “Siberian reserves” arriving from European Russia, the C-shaped outline of the fort, defending the pier) and many others. etc.

Socio-political events also had a noticeable influence on the layout and character of urban buildings. The aggravation of the class struggle in Russia and the Urals in the third quarter of the 17th century. literally forced the authorities to replace the fortified walls of the city, which had satisfied them for more than seventy years, with more reliable walls cut by taras; even a separate settlement arose to house a garrison. The change in the status of Verkhoturye, when it became the head of a special category, entailed the restructuring of the prison towers: the new ones were more powerful and representative.

At the beginning of the 18th century, when Verkhoturye, according to Peter I, was supposed to become the center from which all factory construction in the Urals would be carried out, intensive stone construction began here, the Kremlin, administrative buildings, the city cathedral and the guest courtyard were erected in stone. But as soon as government policy changed, and the center of gravity of the mining business moved south, Kremlin construction in the city stopped so abruptly that some of the buildings forever remained “unfinished”.

The hierarchy of elevations of religious buildings in Verkhoturye is at the same time the hierarchy of the social strata of the city, united in parishes around these churches. The historical social topography of Verkhoturye is easy to read when looking at its preserved temples. The radial-concentric system of location of city churches recorded the influence of the main transit and transport economic function of Verkhoturye (the existence of parallel land and river highways) on the formation of the system of urban architectural dominants, mediated by the development process.

Gostiny Dvor, as the center of the city's business life, was sensitive to changes in the economic situation. In the 17th century, when the well-being and sometimes even the life of the population of the eastern slope of the Urals and Siberia depended on government supplies, most of the barns and shops of the Gostiny Dvor were located within the Kremlin walls. In the 18th century, when the emphasis was placed on the mining development of the Urals, the development of local crafts and trades, the buildings of the Gostiny Dvor were entirely moved to the suburb. When in the 19th century. The Nikolaevsky Monastery became the core of Verkhoturye’s economic progress; new shopping arcades were built closer to its walls. At the beginning of the 20th century. when fair trade in cities begins to lose relevance and is increasingly replaced by shop trade, in Verkhoturye a complex of shops and shops is formed around the former Gostiny Dvor, which has survived to this day.

The history of Verkhoturye is typical for a small Ural, and more generally, Russian city. It was determined by the general course of economic development of the country, the stages of Russian colonization of Siberia, and was influenced by individual events in the political history of Russia. At the same time, in its history one can highlight unique features, features characteristic only of the main point of internal customs in the 18th-18th centuries. on the border of European Russia and Siberia. There are few cities in Russia in which the transformation from feudal to capitalist would take place in such a specific way - by forming a center of religious pilgrimage.

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      B168
      2408471- KO
    2. Burlykina M.I. The genius of drawing Evgeny Troshev: monograph / Maya Burlykina; Syktyvkar State University named after Pitirim Sorokin. – Syktyvkar: Publishing house SGU im. Pitirim Sorokina, 2019. – 214 p. : portrait, color ill. – (Russian Foundation for Basic Research, popular science series).
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    3. Golovina T.I. My Boar: a kaleidoscope of stories / T.I. Golovina. – Ekaterinburg: [b. i.], 2019. – 366 p. : ill., color. ill.,portrait. + 1 CD-R
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    5. Komsomol and I Komsomol: prose, poetry, journalism of Chelyabinsk writers / [editor-compiler: Oleg Pavlov]. – Chelyabinsk: Pavlin, 2018. – 251 p.
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    7. Music in the cultural system: collection of articles / Federal Agency for Culture and Cinematography of the Russian Federation, Ural State Conservatory named after I. M. Mussorgsky. – Ekaterinburg: [b. i.], 2005-;
      Vol. 13: Ad memoriam / [editors and compilers: B. B. Borodin (chief editor), A. B. Borodin]. – 2018. – 110 p. : ill., portrait
      85.31
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    8. One day in the life of the Chelyabinsk region: [photo album] / Governor’s Administration
      Chelyabinsk region, Union of Photographers of Russia; [project author and compiler Vladimir Bogdanovsky; editorial board: Nikolay Sandakov (chairman), etc.]. – Chelyabinsk: Stone Belt, 2014. – 263 p. : ill.
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    9. Savitsky V.F. Nine smiles of dad / V.F. Savitsky. – Ekaterinburg: [b. i.], 2019 (Ekaterinburg: ICTs). – 184 p. : ill., port., fax.
      30
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    12. Fatykhov S. G. Intermittent waves of memory...: (preserved and reconstructed diary entries with poetic reflections of the author) / Salim Fatykhov. - Chelyabinsk. – Magnitogorsk: Chelyabinsk State Institute of Culture: Magnitogorsk Press House, 2019. – 303 p. : ill., portrait, fax.
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    The article was amended on April 9, 2019.

    The beginning of the history of the marching St. Nicholas Church is quite well known. The first priest of this church suffered for Christ, and his missionary work is included in the biography of the new martyr. Let us briefly recall these pages of his biography.

    The priest of the church of the Peter and Paul village of Verkhoturye district, Arkady Garyaev, was assigned to the camp church in the name of the icon of the Mother of God of Kazan on December 21, 1909.

    The mission itself was established by the decision of the Synod on February 25, 1897 to “satisfy the church and religious needs of the inhabitants of the northern part of the Verkhoturye district of the Yekaterinburg diocese, living in villages remote from the parish churches,” as well as the churching of the Lozva nomadic Voguls, numbering about 100 souls.

    The traveling church was ordered by the Missionary Committee, in the hope that “for these semi-enlightened inhabitants of the north there will be an opportunity to listen to the Divine Liturgy at least once or twice a year.” The marching church (the actual iconostasis, throne and altar) was built in March 1898. It did not have an outer shell - it was supposed to be installed in decent premises.

    Twelve years have passed since then, three camp priests have changed. The priests carried out their mission with varying levels of quality.

    Priest A. Garyaev got down to business quite energetically. In addition to personality traits suitable for the mission, he was also helped by the fact that the area he was serving was partly part of the Peter and Paul parish, where he had previously served. The priest installed a traveling Kazan church in the chapel of the village of Denezhkina, on the Sosva River. Beginning in January 1910, he made a tour of Vogul villages and sites. In total, “in 4 months, on sleighs, on horseback, in boats and in other ways, including walking, 1853 miles were covered,” wrote Fr. Arkady.

    The experience of visiting the Mansi nomadic camps revealed some imperfections in the camp temple. It was heavy - 20 pounds, and secondly - bulky. It was impossible to place him in the tent. Actually, the first camping priest, Pyotr Mamin, reported this to his superiors.

    “The missionary committee would have done a truly good deed if, without stopping at certain costs, it had placed at the disposal of the traveling clergy a church - a tent, which, with its lightness, could be imported or even carried into the most remote corners of the northern wilds, and become a wonderful, heavenly guest It would be for the Orthodox people living there, who for decades were deprived of public prayerful communion with God and participation in the sacrament of St. Eucharist. I have at my disposal a drawing of a church - a tent weighing only up to 4 pounds, while the existing camp church without utensils weighs about 20 pounds!” – Father Arkady wrote to Yekaterinburg.

    Bright, colorful reports about. A. Garyaev’s information about his trips attracted the attention of Bishop Mitrofan, who was recently appointed to the Yekaterinburg See. The Bishop called for strengthening missionary activity, and the ascetic example of Father Arkady was very helpful.

    On July 1, 1910, in the bishop’s chambers and under his chairmanship, the general annual meeting of the Missionary Society Committee was held, to which Fr. Arkady Garyaev, who made a report on his trips to the Voguls.

    “When hearing this report, the Committee noticed that the camp priest travels without a camp church. The latter weighs 20 pounds. and it is impossible to carry it on reindeer. /…/ Since there are currently camping churches on sale weighing up to 5 pounds, they decided and assigned the Manager of the Candle Factory, Fr. O. P. Nechaev to order a light camp church for Fr. A. Garyaev, and transfer what he has to the asbestos mines.”

    That's what they did. “On December 14, 1910, at 7 o’clock in the evening, in the hall of the bishop’s house, under the chairmanship of His Eminence, a Meeting of the Yekaterinburg Committee of the Orthodox Missionary Society was held, at which, in addition to solving pressing matters, an inspection was carried out, prepared in the workshop of N. Starikov, of a camp church - a light-type tent intended to perform divine services in the far north of the diocese among the nomadic Voguls.

    This church is a rather elegant tent, covered on the outside with a tarpaulin. Inside the tent there is a collapsible table - a throne, the same table for the altar; instead of the iconostasis there are three high frames, of which in one there is an icon of the Savior, painted on canvas, in the other there is an icon of the Mother of God, and in the middle - between them, depicting the royal doors, in addition to the canvas with the usual icons for the royal doors, there is also one made of thin, light material special curtain. the wall opposite the iconostasis is decorated with an icon, also painted on canvas, with the image of the Savior and saints. Nicholas and St. Ave. Simeon on the sides. The weight of the entire church, placed in a special box, is only up to 5 pounds, which makes it possible to transport it on one sled with one troika or even a pair of deer. The traveling priest who was present during the inspection of the church, Fr. Arkady Garyaev recognized it as consistent with his goal.”

    On December 18, 1910, Bishop Mitrofan, in concelebration with some of the members of the appointed Missionary Congress, the clergyman and priest of the camp church, Fr. A. Garyaev - a total of 14 priests - a solemn service of the liturgy was performed in the Church of the Cross. Before the liturgy, the rite of consecration of the antimensions was performed and the camp church-tent intended for the north of Verkhoturye district was consecrated. During the liturgy, Priest Garyaev was awarded a loincloth for his diligent missionary work among the Voguls of the Verkhoturye region.

    On the morning of December 23, 1910. Arkady returns from Yekaterinburg to the village. Nikito-Ivdel, where he lived, and already on the 24th he sets off for a Christmas visit to his flock. The clergyman has a new church-tent with him. During this trip, services were held in the village of settled Voguls Mityaeva (December 26, 1910), and the next month - in the village of Denezhkina of the Peter and Paul Parish (January 25 and 26), the village of Petrova (January 30), the village of Volchanka (mine) arrival of the Turinsky mines (February 1, 2). The priest signs the reports “March of the Nicholas Church Priest Arkady Garyaev,” from which we learn that the temple was consecrated in the name of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker.

    The fact is that the Lozvin Voguls, of all the holy saints, knew only St. Nicholas and the Mother of God.

    In March 1911 A. Garyaev makes a trip to the foothills of the Northern Urals, to the plagues of the Arkhangelsk Zyryans living there, but without a camp church. Here, visiting nearby gold mines, he plans to serve in the summer of the same year in the chapel existing at the Sibirev mine, already with a camp temple.

    It seems that the missionary fulfilled this, as well as his intention to serve the liturgy directly in the nomads. However, there is no exact information about this.

    On October 3, 1912, the priest of the camp church, Arkady Garyaev, was moved to the church in the Nikito-Ivdel village, Verkhoturye district, according to the petition.

    The Missionary Committee asked him “not to abandon his missionary and educational activities among the Voguls in the future, since Fr. Arkady, when he was a priest of a camp church, proved himself to be a very useful figure in this field.”

    This request was fulfilled. Garyaev's house in Nikito-Ivdel was hospitable for the Voguls. But on February 27, 1914, it was moved to the church in the village of Borovsky, Kamyshlovsky district.

    This was Bishop Mitrofan’s concern for the most worthy priest. Service in the northern parishes was always difficult, and, anticipating his departure from the pulpit, Vladyka Mitrofan wanted to do something for the benefit of Fr. A. Garyaeva. As it turned out, the bishop brought him under the crown of martyrdom...

    The fact that the move to the southern Kamyshlovsky district was made with good intentions is evidenced by the awarding of Fr. Arkady Skufya “for zealous and useful service to the Church of God” on the day of Holy Easter 1914 - the last pre-war...

    And on August 6, 1913, the priest of the church of the village of Krasnoslobodsky, Irbitsky district, Vasily Varushkin, was assigned to the marching throne, according to the petition.

    Vasily Rafailovich Varushkin comes from a priestly family, known in the Perm province, but mainly in the districts west of the Ural ridge.

    In 1902, he graduated very well (1st class, with the title of student) from Perm Semyria and in the same year he was ordained a priest. He served in the Perm diocese, apparently - regularly, since in 1907 he was awarded a legguard.

    In 1908 Vasily was assigned to the Yekaterinburg diocese to the church of the village of Krasnoslobodskoye for the vacancy of rector. He was a prominent priest in the Irbit district - he was elected to the Diocesan School Congress, appointed catechist for the deanery, and at one time was a spiritual investigator.

    In November 1913, Father Vasily made his first trip from the village. Turinsky mines (place of residence of the marching clergy) in the Vogul nomads. He described his impressions in a report to the Missionary Committee. Unlike its predecessors - oo. Peter Mamin and Arkady Garyaev, his observations and conclusions are more analytical, systematic, and competent.

    He writes that the Voguls are outwardly religious and observe the rituals of the church. “It is clear that my predecessors did what they could.” However, the natives do not understand at all the spiritual essence of the belief, for example, identifying the icon and God. “They have both God – Torm, and an icon – Torm.”

    “That one must live holy in order to achieve eternal bliss is incomprehensible to them /.../ they simply accepted the Savior, the Mother of God, and St. Nicholas the Wonderworker among their old gods (they do not know other Saints) and, having believed in them, perform those rituals that they see among Orthodox, but they pray and perform these rituals for no other reason than that the Savior, the Mother of God and Nicholas the Wonderworker give them a successful hunt, preserve the deer, etc.”

    Father Vasily concludes that the matter of Christianizing Mansi requires long-term catechism work. “In order to have any tangible result, you need to live among them and, moreover, with their lives, working slowly, since it is too tricky to break what you received from your great-grandfathers.”

    The camp priest also points out the oppression that the authorities inflict on the Voguls. So they were forbidden to beat sables, catch moose with gardens and trap foxes. “Now we’ll cut our own heads, there’s nothing to eat,” they said. “One might think,” wrote Vasili Varushkin, “that if these restrictive measures continue, the priest will have nothing to do among the Voguls, since they will all migrate to the Tobolsk destruction, where at least one can catch elk and fox.”

    On his first missionary trip, Fr. Vasily Varushkin did not take the marching St. Nicholas Church with him. Their report of the Missionary Committee shows that visits to the nomadic tents were carried out until 1915 “to perform divine services in them and correct the requirements.” The ensuing war pushed information about the Christianization of the Voguls into the background. Whether the traveling priest Varushkin set up a church-tent in the taiga nomads, or served liturgies there, we do not know.

    The fate of the mission became clear in the fall of 1915. Bishop Seraphim of Yekaterinburg and Irbit was in Verkhoturye to celebrate the day of the transfer of the relics of the Righteous Simeon. On September 12, he set off from there by train on a tour of the churches of the Theological District.

    The Bishop was accompanied by the Diocesan missionary Fr. A. Zdravomyslov and the dean of the Theological District, Archpriest V. Slovtsov. At the Lobva station, he arrived in the carriage and introduced himself as the camp priest V. Varushkin, which “gave a topic for further conversation” - about the history of the camp clergy of the Verkhoturye district. The story was obviously conducted by the dean and in the manner he needed. The dean looked askance at the mission, since it operated on their territory and, in fact, was subordinate directly to the Diocese.

    “This traveling clergyman has gone through a lot in 20 years. During this time, the Archpastors changed more than once, and the requirements that were presented to the clergy of a camp church at different times also changed. Either they demanded that he help the parish priests, moving from parish to parish, or that he live constantly somewhere at the crossroads of paths along which Voguls sometimes ride on their reindeer in winter, and it was almost even expected that this priest would teach Vogul engaged in gardening... Somewhere a hundred miles north of Nikito-Ivdel, the log houses for this “farm,” erected with funds from the committee, are now rotting.

    About ten years ago, the Committee equipped an expedition to search for the construction that had begun, but the only thing known about the fate of this expedition is that the person sent for this purpose, instead of a village outside Ivdel, ended up in Kazan at the Theological Academy...

    In recent years, the traveling clergyman has had his residence either in the Bogoslovsky plant, or in the Turinsky mines, or in Nikito-Ivdel, and now for two years he has been living almost continuously in the village near the station. Lobva."

    Now, we have found out the location of the camp temple. Why is he here?

    “There is a large sawmill here. The population of the village is more than 3 thousand people and the priest has plenty of work. In the same area there are several new settlements of migrants, who, if necessary, also turn to the “camping” clergy.

    The administration of the sawmill is very pleased with the current situation, because the traveling clergy relieves it of worries about satisfying the religious needs of the workers. The “camping” priest, who lives a sedentary life, seems to be happy with his position...”

    However, everything was limited to these reasonings and irony. Father Varushkin, apparently, remained at the sawmill.

    In any case, the Committee reported that “in 1915, no visits were made (to the nomadic Voguls - Yu.S.), since the traveling clergy at that time was busy serving the religious needs of the Orthodox population in an area located several hundred miles from Nikito-Ivdel is the closest point to the Voguls.”

    For a year and a half, the topic of the camp church and its clergy disappeared from the diocesan press. And there’s no time for that - the war is dragging on, a revolution is brewing.

    And suddenly, like a shot at night, in the Diocesan Gazette for April 9, 1917: “News from afar.” We present the note in full, because every word in it has value for a local historian.

    “The Yekaterinburg Committee of the Orthodox Missionary Society, by order of Bishop Seraphim, issued a camp church for temporary use to one of the regiments leaving Yekaterinburg for France. The old government, which sent soldiers to a foreign allied country, limited its concerns about satisfying the religious needs of the soldiers only by appointing them a regimental priest, and how that priest would fulfill his mission was of little concern to them.

    The regiment was formed specifically for this purpose, and therefore it had to start everything again. The regimental priest was in difficulty, not knowing what to do, and turned to Bishop Seraphim for help. The church and everything necessary for worship was given to the regiment.

    Encouraged by the prayers of the Bishop and the Yekaterinburg clergy, the regiment left. Last fall, from Fr. Nicholas Vvedensky began to receive letters addressed to the Bishop. Here is an excerpt from one of them:

    “Everything is fine in the regiment, and everyone sends their filial greetings to you.” I am glad that I have the opportunity to send you a photograph of our camp church, the splendor of which we are entirely indebted to you. The church is located 3 miles from the Germans. The shells of their light cannons often whistle over it, but it’s not scary: they’re used to it. A marching church is always of great interest to all guests at the front, and there are quite a few of them here...

    Were the one hundred and twenty Tobolsk Voguls of both sexes for whom it was made interested in this camp church? And have they ever seen her? We don’t know this, but now how happy those thousands of Russian soldiers who are abandoned somewhere far, far away are for her...”

    In the Ekaterinburg diocese at that time there were two camp churches and both of them were primarily intended for the churching of the Voguls. The first did not have an outer shell, weighed 20 pounds and in 1910 was sent to asbestos mines. But by November 1915, her mission in the “mountain flax” village was completed, since the capital Church of the Dormition of the Blessed Virgin Mary was built and consecrated here.

    The second, St. Nicholas Light Church-Tent, is more suitable for the French-German front. It was located in the fall of 1915 at the station. Lobva, at the sawmill. That's probably what we're talking about. Doubts can be resolved by the very photo that Fr. wrote about. N.Vvedensky...

    When was the regiment sent to France, along with the priest and the camp church, which became the regimental church? From the note it follows that no later than the autumn of 1916. Or more precisely? Let's raise the history of the Russian Expeditionary Force to France. This will not be easy, since the book weighs about 5 kilograms. It was written by our former compatriots Andrei Korlyakov and Gerard Gorokhov.

    The first brigade of this corps was sent in February 1916 through Manchuria, the port of Dalny and by ships through Hong Kong, Singapore, and the Suez Canal, arriving on April 20 in Marseille.

    The second brigade was sent to France in June 1916. But from there it was immediately transferred to Thessaloniki, as planned. Not our option.

    The third brigade was formed in the Urals, in Chelyabinsk. (Hot). Sent to Arkhangelsk in July 1916. (Very hot). I passed through Yekaterinburg, where the officers of the 5th Regiment chipped in for 8 rubles and bought the regimental mascot, the bear cub Mishka, from the gypsies. . (Very hot).

    The brigade had another regiment - the 6th, formed here in the Urals.


    Ceremony of consecration of the regimental banner of the 6th Special Regiment. Chelyabinsk, July 1916. Photo courtesy of Alexander Missonov.

    From Yekaterinburg, trains with units of the 3rd brigade went to Arkhangelsk and from there, in the second half of August, by several ships, via the northern sea route to France. Through Norway, around Great Britain and Ireland - to the French port of Brest. The journey took about 10 days. This means that the Ural regiments reached the place in late August - early September.

    A secrecy regime was turned on for the entire process of transferring Russian troops to France. German submarines were operating at sea, and German intelligence was hunting for any specific information about the transportation of Russian expeditionary brigades and their deployment.

    The diocesan bulletins, having printed the parting words of Vladyka Seraphim’s regiment, tried not to disclose details. The editor was probably aware of the purpose of the expedition, and the bishop certainly was. But no one taught the bishops how to disguise information - if German intelligence officers had read the diocesan newspaper, they would have found something interesting there.

    “A bishop among warriors.

    His Eminence served a parting prayer service on Sennaya Square in Yekaterinburg for the soldiers setting out on a campaign against the enemy. At the end of the prayer, the Lord said the following word (approximately): “It is not a clear falcon in a storm that flies across the sky in a thunderstorm, it is not a mighty eagle that flaps its wings, rushing towards its prey... No! Then the N. regiment strives on the road to protect the Tsar Father, St. Rus'. Orthodox from a cruel, insidious enemy, stand up for the truth of God, the truth that does not burn in fire and does not drown in water!

    Falcons are clear! Blue-winged eagles! The defenders are loyal and strong! You are setting off on an unknown path, on a distant path, you set out to defeat the enemy and adversary. Let not your heart be troubled - neither by the distance of the path ahead, nor by the dangers that surround you on all sides. You called on us to pray for your assistance on the upcoming journey, and we prayed, Do not be embarrassed: you are not alone. /…/

    Do not be afraid. The Lord is with you, for He is always with those who stand for the truth, and our King and our allies stand only for the truth. Do not be afraid ! The entire Russian people will be with you in spirit, will always remember you, and will pray for you. From different ends of the Russian land, for you also were gathered from

    different places, the thoughts of your loved ones will follow you, we will all be watching you, pray for you.

    Let not your heart be troubled! Let each of you, together with the knight, exclaim: “I am not afraid of fear, I am not afraid of death, I will lie down for the Tsar, for Rus'!” and boldly sets out on the road. One thing to remember: Wherever fate takes you, maintain discipline firmly everywhere so that everyone sees in you a strong, united force; preserve military honor, observe the oath, strive to cover the title of a Russian soldier with immortal glory. Don’t forget that you are going to defend your mother’s homeland, the Orthodox faith. Don't forget that you are a Christ-loving army. Take care of the honor and dignity of an Orthodox person. Be merciless towards the enemy at war, meek towards the one who has laid down his arms.

    Perhaps fate will throw you into places where it will be possible to “extend the spell” of green wine, look, don’t extend the spell, don’t do this, don’t disgrace the Russian army. The Tsar forbade drunkenness, and the Germans relied on this drunkenness as their ally. Be careful, do not allow yourself to be carried away by the “green serpent,” for the Russian man knows no limits. Be sober, be brave - this is my testament to you...

    At the end of his speech, the Bishop blessed the regiment with the icon of the Holy Rule. Simeon, the Verkhoturye Wonderworker, after which he sprinkled the soldiers of St. with water, passing through their ranks in the presentation of regimental shrines.”

    The text clearly reveals the special mission of this regiment, designed to demonstrate to someone external the honor of a Russian warrior, not to disgrace him through drunkenness; a long, dangerous path, clearly extending beyond Russian soil, where prohibition then reigned. Fortunately, the spies do not read diocesan newspapers - German boats did not sink a single ship of this expedition.

    Now about the camp priest. In the Yekaterinburg diocese of that time there was only one priest with the first and last name Nikolai Vvedensky. Specifically, Nikolai Evlampievich Vvedensky. Didn't the diocesan newspaper write about him as a priest of a camp regimental church?

    This is his priestly path.

    N.E. Vvedensky comes from the Orenburg province. Born on March 5, 1870. By decree of April 4, 1873, the priest of this diocese, Evlampy Vvedensky, was awarded the blessing of the Synod - definitely his father.

    In 1890 he completed a course at the Orenburg Theological Seminary, 2nd category in 1890. In the same year he was ordained and assigned as a priest to the Ascension Church in the village of Zakamaldina, Chelyabinsk district. While serving in the Orenburg diocese, he moved several times, and not of his own free will. On August 27, 1985, the priest of the village of Krutoyarsky, Chelyabinsk district, Nikolai Vvedensky, and the village of Zakomoldina, the same district, Ioan Podyachev, were moved one to the other’s place “for the benefit of the service.”

    In 1901, it was moved to the Nativity of the Virgin Mary Railway (there were such!) Church of St. Chelyabinsk. January 22, 1903 Nikolai, already a priest of the church at the Chelyabinsk station, was sent “by order of the Diocesan authorities” to the remote village of Bobrovsky, Troitsky district. He, presumably, refused to accept such an appointment, and on May 1 of the same year a ruling was issued that Fr. N. Vvedensky “is excluded from the lists for admission to service in the Yekaterinburg diocese” from March 14, 1903 [Orenburg Diocesan Gazette No. 3 of February 1, 1895; OEV No. 4 of February 15, 1903: OEV No. 8-9 of May 1, 1903]

    On March 14, 1903, the priest of the Orenburg diocese, Nikolai Vvedensky, was given a place at the church of the Bilimbaevsky plant, Ekat. u.

    Then there was an influx of clergy from the Orenburg diocese into the Ekaterinburg diocese, which, apparently, can be explained by the difficulties in the relationship of the clergy with the Bishop of Orenburg Vladimir (Sokolovsky) - the rigidity and extreme conservatism of the Bishop. However, by the end of the same 1903, Vladyka Vladimir was transferred... to the Yekaterinburg See, to considerable, presumably, embarrassment of the defectors.

    By that time Fr. Nikolai already serves in the Holy Spiritual Church of the Kyshtym plant, where he was transferred on October 25, 1903, exchanging parishes with Fr. Pavel Korovin (“one in place of the other”).

    During the seven years of his tenure at the see of Bishop Vladimir, Priest Vvedensky was not noted by him even once. Only on January 21, 1910, 2 months before the forced retirement of the Bishop, the second priest of the Holy Spiritual Church, Nikolai Vvedensky, was moved to the rector’s position at the same church.

    Meanwhile, Father Nikolai had been in office for 20 years. According to the determination of the consistory of March 22, 1910, approved by Bishop Mitrofan, newly appointed to the department, priest N. Vvedensky was awarded a skufia.

    Father Nikolai was a skilled preacher. In May 1911, the Yekaterinburg Diocesan Gazette published his Word on the day of the Holy Great Martyr George.

    On August 31, 1911, by decree of the Diocesan Administration, the priest of the Holy Spiritual Church of the Kyshtym plant, Nikolai Vvedenskoy, was moved to the Church of the Entrance of Jerusalem of the Nizhne Tagil plant, Verkhoturye district.

    The new position of the third priest at the church was not an enviable one - there was no church house and no government salary. It is not clear what the authorities were guided by when making this appointment. Perhaps it was necessary to intellectually strengthen the Tagil clergy.

    In January 1912, the diocesan newspaper published the Word on New Year's Day by Fr. Nikolai Vvedensky. “Let us, Christian brothers, be attentive to the brevity and transience of earthly life, while the Lord gives us the days and years of this life. /…/ Let us remember how many of our midst, who celebrated the New Year of the past year with us the year before, have now fallen into the sleep of death, lie with their bodies in the darkness of the tomb, and with their souls stand before the Throne of the Judge, giving an account /…/ And who will assure us that the coming new year will not be our last on earth? /…/

    Let us take advantage of the precious minutes of life while it flows. Let us use it to decorate the soul with wisdom, to establish ourselves in virtue. The night of death will come, then “no one can do anything” (John IX.4).”

    A month later, his Word was published there on the 31st week after Pentecost, in which he calls to get rid of spiritual blindness, which “is worse than bodily blindness in its terrible consequences, because bodily blindness can oppress a person, although strongly, but only temporarily, can deprive him of many blessings and pleasures, but only earthly ones, while spiritual blindness can drag a person to a place where he will never see the Divine light, can destroy him forever, deprive him of heavenly blessings.”

    May 12, 1912, according to the petition, Fr. Nikolai Vvedensky was transferred closer to the diocesan “capital”, to the church of the Berezovsky plant.

    In 1913, he was appointed catechist for the deanery of the 1st district of the Yekaterinburg district. In 1915 and 1916 Fr. Nicholas is elected as a deputy to the Diocesan Congress. [24;33;39]

    For a long time “forgotten” by awards, on May 6, 1916, the birthday of HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY, priest Vvedensky received a kamilavka for his “excellent and diligent pastoral service.” It was entrusted to Fr. Nicholas Bishop Seraphim, appointed to the see two years earlier.

    In his family, he has a wife, Tatyana Ivanovna (born January 7, 1874) and two children: Vasliy (born December 31, 1898 and Vladimir (born July 6, 1908). The eldest studied at the Polytechnic School of Tomsk in 1916. [RGIA f.796 op.436 items 1187 pp. 1-7v.]

    I confess, in 2013, an article about the Nikolaevskaya march was published with text that directly referred to Fr. Nikolai Vvedensky, as the regimental priest of the Russian Legion.

    I must admit that this has not been confirmed by subsequent studies. The first thing that confused me was that the service record of this priest of the Prophet Elijah Church of the Berezovsky Plant was compiled in September (and with corrections - in November) 1916, that is, when the 3rd Brigade was already in France. However, there is no indication of this in the document. And they had to be in some form.

    The priest of the 5th regiment of the 3rd brigade was Bogoyavlensky Nikolai Stefanovich. He was born on October 17, 1878. He graduated from the seminary with a student's degree. In 1902-09 he was a priest of the Tver diocese. Since 1909, priest of the 78th Navaginsky Infantry Regiment, in 1913-16 priest of the 5th Lithuanian Lancer Regiment. In 1916-17 he was a priest of the 5th Special Infantry Regiment in France. He was awarded the Order of St. in 1915. Vladimir 4th degree and a pectoral cross on the St. George ribbon from the Cabinet of H.I.H. In 1917 he was awarded the French Military Cross. [Kapkov K.G. The priests are holders of the Imperial Military Order of St. Great Martyr and Victorious George. M.-Belgorod: “Chronicle”, Spiritual and Educational Center named after Metropolitan Macarius (Bulgakov), 2012.P.395]

    Returned to his homeland. He died on March 9, 1962. He was buried at the Nikolo-Malitskoye cemetery in the city of Tver.


    The author of the note in the Yekaterinburg Diocesan Gazette (apparently it was Father John Ufimtsev) in the post-revolutionary confusion confused the name of the priest who sent the letter from distant France! Instead of Nikolai Bogoyavlensky he wrote “Nikolai Vvedensky”. How he misled me, and I – the readers.

    The priest of the 6th regiment and the dean of the Special Regiments in France was Archpriest Sergei Mikhailovich Sokolovsky. Born on August 23, 1877 in Novgorod. Graduated from a local seminary, 2nd category. Since 1900, regimental chaplain of various units. Awarded 6 orders (Russian and French), a pectoral cross on the St. George ribbon, a gold pectoral cross with decorations. During the fighting in France, he lost his hand. After the end of the war, he served in Russian churches in France of various jurisdictions, including renovationist orientation. In November 1930 he was expelled to the USSR for Soviet propaganda. After 1932 he converted to Catholicism. [Kapkov K.G. Priests are gentlemen... p.196]

    The discussion of the candidacy for the regimental priest and the preparation of liturgical items for him took some time, I think several months. The marching St. Nicholas Church was, as we know, at the Lobva station. In May 1916, Vladyka Seraphim made a trip to Verkhoturye, and on the way back, from May 10 to 12, he visited the Nadezhdinsky, Bogoslovsky, Verkhne-Turinsky factories and the Turinsky mines.

    It was probably on this trip that the church-tent was given to him.

    But there is no information about the abolition of the marching clergy in connection with the confiscation of the marching church. It was established by royal decree, and the diocese could not close it. It is possible that at the same time, instead of Nikolaevskaya, the Kazan-Bogoroditskaya marching church, which was vacated in the asbestos mines back in November 1915, was transferred to him.

    Meanwhile, the composition of the church property of military units was determined and did not include tents. In 1908, rules were developed for packing boxes for church items of the infantry regiment. Installation provided:

    In the box itself: 1. Silver altar cross. 2. Chalice, paten, star, 2 silver plates. 3. Silver liars. 4. Copy. 5. Silver ladle. 6. Two metal buckets. 7. Three candlesticks. 8. Sprinkled. 9. Silver monstrance in a case. 10. Seals for prosphora. 11. Tabernacles. 12. Mirnitsy. 13. Censer. 14. Rubbing sponges. 15. Five pounds of palm. 16. Ten pounds of candles. 17. Image of the Savior and Image of the Mother of God. 18. Two glasses for spare wine. 19. Books of liturgical books in soft oilcloth bindings (Service Book, Breviary, Gospel of Holy Week, Pentecostal Prayers, Octoechos educational (osmiglasnik), Remembrance of the departed, Book of Hours educational, rite of joining Orthodoxy, Service of Holy Week, Apostle, Book of prayer songs, Priestly prayer book, Book by Andrei Kritsky). 20. 4 legs and 4 crosspieces of a folding throne. The folded board of the folding throne was placed on top of the stacked items, close to the back and right walls of the box.

    In the lid of the box: 21. Regimental image. 22. Gospels in 1/8 sheet. 23. Sacristy (full vestments: uniform and colored, sacristan, clothing for the Holy See, sarchitsa, shroud for the uniform image) and a stick case with an altar shroud and 2 silk ortons. 24. The antimis (with a sponge for it) in a leather bag, if the priest is not wearing it, and the epitrachelion for religious services are placed in the empty spaces of the box. In addition, in the free spaces of the box, at the discretion of the priest, icons, books, brochures of religious and moral content, weighing up to 6.5 pounds, can be placed. The weight of the box itself is 1 pood 13.5 pounds.

    The weight of the church-tent is about 5 pounds. 4 times more than the statutory one. But what can we say about this if the regimental regulations were not embarrassed even by the presence of a gypsy bear in the unit.

    So - off we go. French port of Brest. The population greets the 3rd brigade with jubilation, arriving here by ship over the course of several days. Next - in trains to Marseille, from where it was supposed to be transported to Thessaloniki, for military operations on the territory of Montenegro. Here the troops of the Eastern Front of the Allies fought the Germans and their satellites - the Turks and Bulgarians (by the way - Orthodox).

    However, riots broke out in the 3rd Brigade in Marseille. Colonel Krause was killed.

    The authorities, having punished the perpetrators, decided to leave the brigade in France. From Marseilles she was sent to the Maya camp, where the trains moved on September 17 - 20, 1916.

    Previously, the 1st Brigade of the Russian Expeditionary Force, which arrived in France a few months earlier and was already in combat positions in September, underwent training in the Maya camp.

    The French built a temporary Orthodox church in the camp, the painting of which was done by the Russian artist Dmitry Semenovich Stelletsky.


    During the period of training of the 3rd brigade, its regimental priests served in this temple and, presumably, helped the clergy of the 1st brigade in the mournful mission - parting words to the dying and funeral services for the dead. For funeral services, a special chapel was built, closer to the cemetery.

    In total, from July to October, the 1st Brigade lost 600 people killed and wounded, out of 8,000 personnel.

    The 3rd Brigade had approximately the same strength and also consisted of two regiments. And there were two regimental priests.

    On October 16, 1916, the 3rd Brigade replaced the 1st in the trenches. The fighting in which the Russians participated took place in Champagne, east of the city of Reims.

    Somewhere 3 versts from the front line. Nicholas of the Epiphany and unfurled the camp Nicholas church-tent, as he wrote to Bishop Seraphim. In the same letter there was also a photograph of her. This photograph has reached us 96 years later. Here he is.


    Caption under the photo: “Orthodox field chapel, installed near the front line for soldiers of Russian brigades.”

    The fact that it is the camp church of Verkhoturye district that is captured against the backdrop of winter Champagne is confirmed by its surviving description (see above). On the wall opposite the iconostasis, the figure of St. Simeon of Verkhoturye. The face of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker is made difficult to see by the candles, but it is definitely him.

    The 3rd brigade remained in positions until March 1917. Until the end of January it was relatively calm, but there were killed and wounded every day. On January 31, the Germans launched a gas attack in three waves. The 6th Regiment suffered the most. Losses amounted to 250 people killed and almost 1000 poisoned. Even the bear cub Mishka suffered, saving himself from death by burying his face in the snow, obeying instinct.

    On March 9, the 3rd Brigade carried out an offensive operation in the area of ​​the village of Oberiv. “All the bayonets were stained with blood,” wrote the report on the hand-to-hand combat. It must be said that this brigade was formed from people who already had combat experience. On March 12, she was withdrawn from her rest positions to the Maya camp.

    While the soldiers of the brigade were in the trenches, the February revolution took place in Russia. The priests had more work to do - on March 29, they swore in the regiments to the provisional government. According to researchers, the news of events in their homeland caused a rise in the ranks of the soldiers.

    From April 16, the 1st and 3rd brigades took part in a large-scale offensive of the French army, which is called the “Nivelle Offensive” (named after the commander-in-chief), or the “Aisne Operation” (named after the Aisne River, in the same place in Champagne).

    The 3rd Brigade was initially in reserve. Probably, the church-tent was located at the location of the reserve troops. On April 16-17, the regiments of this brigade took up their starting positions against the heights of Mont Spin and the village of Sapiñol. On April 18, they repelled a German counterattack, and on the 19th, after stubborn fighting, they captured the top of Mont Spin. By the end of the day, having received no reinforcements and under the threat of encirclement, the Russians retreated to their original positions, losing 270 people killed and about 1,800 soldiers wounded and missing.

    Many soldiers and officers received French awards for bravery and heroism. But the failure of the offensive caused unrest in the French army, which almost destroyed it. A crisis began to brew in the Russian brigades.

    They were withdrawn to Montmore and Bayeux, to the front rear. On May 1, a demonstration of many thousands took place, where soldiers came out with the slogans “Socialism. Freedom. Equality". By the end of the day there were riots.


    The situation deteriorated to the point that the commander of the 3rd brigade, General Marushevsky, left his post under the influence of threats.

    Seeing the decline in discipline and trying to protect their units from decay, the French command concentrated Russian brigades in the La Curtin camp (Creuse department). The 1st Brigade was stationed there from June 18 to 25, and the 3rd began arriving on July 5, 1917. There was not enough space in the barracks and the 3rd Brigade lived in tents. The camp was surrounded by a perimeter beyond which it was impossible to go.

    Enmity grew between the brigades - the “revolutionary” 1st, where there were many Moscow workers, and the “peasant” 3rd, prone to obedience. On July 8, 1917, 6,000 soldiers of the 3rd brigade and 400 people from the 1st brigade who joined them, singing “La Marseillaise,” left the camp without orders and became a bivouac near the village of Velten, 23 km from La Courtine. Those who remained were so embittered that they even threw stones at the departing bear Mishka, but he bore it with dignity.

    Later, on August 10, they were transferred from Velten to the Cournot camp near Arcachon. There, in general, the soldiers kept order. The “irreconcilables” who settled in La Courtine were captured by Russian-French detachments on September 16-19, after an assault using artillery.

    Further, the fate of the soldiers was divided into three categories. The irreconcilable and dangerous were sent to North Africa for hard agricultural work. There were 8775 such people. The other part, mainly from soldiers of the “loyal” 3rd Brigade, formed workers’ detachments and became the “labor army” of France. In 1918, their total number, together with the Russian regiments that arrived from Thessaloniki, amounted to 13-14 thousand people.

    About 2,000 people entered the Russian Legion of Honor and fought until the end of the war, but under the French flag. The first battalion of the legion was formed at the beginning of January 1918. Bear Mishka was also placed in the battalion on allowance. The legion was disbanded in the summer of 1919.

    But our story is about the fate of the marching St. Nicholas Church. We cannot say anything about it beyond the autumn-winter of 1917. Late summer 1917, i.e. By the time the brigades were actually disbanded, formally there was no field of activity left for the regimental priest.

    Various sources mention that elements of temporary regimental churches (iconostases) of the Russian expeditionary force were transferred to Orthodox churches in France. Perhaps they did the same with the Nikolaevskaya march.

    Archpriest Andrei Bogoslovsky, regimental priest of the 1st brigade, served in the Russian Legion of Honor. Staff Captain V. Vasilyev, one of the legion’s officers, wrote in 1961: “A few of them, volunteers to fight for the honor of Russia, got into the carriages. First echelon: 7 officers, two doctors, an old priest and 374 unt. - officers and soldiers."

    Vasiliev describes the death of Father Andrei in September 1918 from a German bullet. “He had already received an order to return to Russia, but considered it his sacred duty to send the blessing of the cross to his Russian legionnaires going on the attack.”

    Sending the former soldiers of the expeditionary force home was difficult, because they were joined by a large group of Russian prisoners of war liberated by Germany. They were sent in batches to Russia from the summer of 1919, and the last group left in October 1920. About 3,500 people remained in France. Previously, a marching battalion was formed from volunteers and sent to Russia to fight on the side of the White Army.

    During its short history, the marching St. Nicholas Church fulfilled its mission at the civilizational poles of humanity - near the nomads of the Lozvinsky Mansi and among the vineyards of Champagne. It was in demand by Orthodox people - workers in taiga mines and soldiers of the expeditionary force going into battle.

    But this story has no end. He can make it even more interesting.

    Sources and notes:

    This article was published by: Sukharev Yu.M. History of the Pokhodnaya St. Nicholas Church of Verkhoturye district // Materials of the second interregional scientific and practical conference “Orthodoxy in the Urals: milestones of history.” Ekaterinburg, 2013. P.133-153. Presented here with some additions.

    1. Vasiliev V., staff captain. Russian Legion of Honor. http://www.xxl3.ru/kadeti/rus_korpus.htm#vasiljev;

    2. Gorokhov Zh., Korlyakov A. Russian Expeditionary Force in France and Thessaloniki. 1916 – 1918.- Paris: YMCA-PRESS, 2003;

    3.Additional information about the priest. Varushkina is provided with the book: Bessonov M.S. History of the Northern Urals in persons (1589-1917). Biographical reference book. First issue (A-D). Ekaterinburg, 2011. 348 pp. According to this source “Vasily Rafailovich Varushkin (*? + p.11.05.1917). Priest of the St. Nicholas Church (12/29/1913). He performed rituals in the Ivanovo Church of the Ivanovo village and the St. John Chrysostom Church of the Koptyakovsky village. Wife Agnia Nikolaevna (*? + p.13.07.1914). Son Vladimir (*07/13/1914, Koptyakovskoye village + item 08/3/1927).GASO. F.6. Op.19. D.493. L.289 rev.; D.499. L.70; D.768. L.143." Quoted from the source http://karpinsk-online.ru/index.php/forum?func=view&catid=84&id=4422&limit=10&start=40

    4.EEB 1897 No. 12;

    5.EEV 1898 No. 11;

    6.EEB 1903 No. 7 p. 204;

    7.EEB 1903 No. 21;

    8.EEV 1908 No. 44;

    9.EEB 1910 No. 1-2;

    10.EEV 1910 No. 5;

    11.EEV 1910 No. 19;

    12.EEV 1910 No. 20;

    13.EEB 1910 No. 27 but with 569;

    14.EB 1910 No. 29 but;

    15.EEV 1910 No. 45;

    16.EEV 1910 No. 50 with 1148;

    17.EEV 1911 No. 11no;

    18.EEV 1911 No. 21 but;

    19.EEB 1911 No. 36;

    20.EEV 1911 No. 38;

    21.EEV 1912 No. 1 but;

    22.EEV 1912 No. 5 but;

    23.EEV 1912 No. 21;

    24.EEV 1912 No. 39;

    25.EEV 1912 No. 42;

    26.EEV 1913 No. 9;

    27.EEV 1913 No. 33;

    28.EEV 1913 No. 45 with 1074;

    29.EEV 1914 No. 10;

    30.EEV 1914 No. 12 p. 113;

    31.EEV 1914 No. 36 but adj.;

    32.EEV 1914 No. 42 but adj.;

    33.EEV 1915 No. 34; Reference book of the Ekaterinburg diocese for 1909 / comp. and ed. Secretary of the Spirits. Consistory P. P. Srebryansky, with the participation of Chiefs V. M. Fedorov and K. M. Razmakhin, Treasurer M. G. Morozov and Archivist P. I. Felitsin. — Ekaterinburg: Type. A. M. Zhukova, 1909. - 299 p. ;

    47.http://fgurgia.ru/showObject.do?object=144256250;

    48. Lukashkin A. Protopresbyter Fr. Nikolay Ponomarev. Towards the death of the good shepherd. Orthodox Rus' 1986 No. 1.

    "Hegemons"

    From the very beginning of its existence and until 1687, the Verkhoturye district was part of the Tobolsk category, and its waters were under the jurisdiction of the Tobolsk governors. However, this is how it looked in theory, but in practice the situation was much more complicated.

    Representatives of famous aristocratic families found themselves in the voivodship in Verkhoturye, some of whom were even related to the reigning dynasty. In turn, persons of very noble origin were appointed to the positions of Tobolsk governors, often from the highest court ranks, including relatives of the royal family. Because of this, many of them behaved with great arrogance, which was greatly facilitated by the flattery of their entourage from among the local clerks and boyar children. Therefore, one can imagine the severity of the constantly flaring conflicts between the Tobolsk and Verkhoturye “hegemons” regarding the limits of their power!

    So, for example, in 1644 Maxim Fedorovich Streshnev, who was related to the wife of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich, Tsarina Evdokia Lukyanovna, became the governor of Verkhoturye. In an effort to use his position for the purpose of personal enrichment, he first of all took control of the activities of the Verkhoturye customs, and also entrusted the management of the district arable peasants to his two sons, whose travels around the settlements on government carts with “cymbals” were accompanied by drunken revelry and beating of clerks and peasants and various extortions. The Streshnevs’ arbitrariness and bribery provoked a protest from one of the governor’s closest assistants, clerk Maxim Likhachev. After his removal from business, an even more fierce struggle began between Maxim Streshnev and the new clerk Fyodor Postnikov, who immediately after arriving from Moscow accused the governor and his henchmen of abuses. In response, Streshnev’s servants brutally beat the clerk, and only the intercession of the townspeople saved him from death.

    Meanwhile, boyar Ivan Ivanovich Saltykov, who was traveling to the Tobolsk voivodeship in 1646, who, by the way, was the nephew of the “great old lady” Martha, the mother of the late Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich, received from the head of the Siberian order, Prince Odoevsky, the task of carrying out a general investigation into the activities of Streshnev and his sons. They themselves, so that they would not interfere with the investigation, were ordered to be sent to Turinsk. At the same time, Odoevsky made it clear to Saltykov that the issue of removing the Verkhoturye governor from his post was already a foregone conclusion.

    The investigation begun by Saltykov confirmed numerous complaints about Streshnev’s abuses at customs. He, in turn, began in every possible way to interfere with the investigation, which in itself was a “damage” to the honor of the Tobolsk governor, and then, when meeting in the hut, publicly insulted him, declaring that all the letters he had brought were forged. At the same time, the Verkhoturye governor called Saltykov a “boyar” and even a “thief.”

    As a result, an enraged Saltykov left Verkhoturye, intending to initiate a new case from Tobolsk against Streshnev for insulting his own person. But as soon as the caravan of his ships sailed from the pier, an alarm bell rang out in Verkhoturye, fires broke out near the city wall and in the Pokrovsky nunnery, and Streshnev’s people began to shout that the fire was committed on the orders of the Tobolsk governor...

    Having learned about all these events, the new head of the Siberian order, Prince Trubetskoy, ordered a new investigation to be carried out “firmly.” Detectives sent from Tobolsk arrived in Verkhoturye and began the investigation. In the end, despite the fact that Streshnev and his sons “were strong and opposed to the sovereign’s decree,” they “did not go into disgrace” from Verkhoturye, they threatened the detectives with beating and murder and even repulsed their people along the way, whom the bailiff taken to Pelym, they were nevertheless escorted to Moscow, where Maxim Fedorovich, relying on his clan, managed to achieve the appointment of his brother-in-law Boris Semenovich Dvoryaninov to the voivodeship in Verkhoturye, not without reason hoping with his help to hush up the matter on the spot.

    In 1648, a wave of uprisings swept through the cities of the Russian state, including the Urals and Siberia. Verkhoturye was not left out either, which was greatly facilitated by the harsh rule of Dvoryaninov. The governor was removed from power by the decision of the Verkhoturye “peace” and placed under house arrest. Administration in the city and in the district, in accordance with the secular verdict, was transferred to the clerk Ignatius Nedoveskov. Since the city seal remained with Dvoryaninov, all administrative correspondence was sealed by the customs head Fyodor Dryagin.

    In 1649, the Verkhoturye rebellion was suppressed, the new Tobolsk governor Vasily Borisovich Sheremetov was ordered to beat Nedoveskov and Dryagin with a whip, and from the secular communities of servicemen and townspeople, coachmen and peasants, he was ordered to select three people each, “real thieves”, and also punish them with a whip mercilessly in the shopping area (in total, 26 people were subjected to execution). As for Dvoryaninov, he was removed from the voivodeship, but he did not have to return to Moscow: in the same 1649 he fell ill and “died in Verkhoturye.”

    After Dvoryaninov, the position of Verkhoturye governor was taken by Raf (Fedor) Rodionovich Vsevolozhsky. His appearance here was preceded by the following events. At the beginning of 1647, the young Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich decided to get married. Out of two hundred girls, six were selected, but only one of them, Euphemia, the daughter of the landowner Raf Vsevolozhsky, became the tsar’s chosen one. However, when they first dressed her in royal clothes, they tied her hair so tightly at the back of her head that when she met her future husband, she fainted. This was attributed to the effect of epilepsy, which the girl allegedly suffered from. A scandal broke out. And although there were rumors at court that Euphemia was “bewitched” by envious people, in connection with which a special investigation was even carried out, Vsevolozhsky, who found himself in disgrace, “with his son Andrei, and with his daughter Euphemia Fedorovna, and with his wife Nastasya,” was sent to exile to Tyumen. From here, “out of disgrace,” the father of the unlucky royal bride was granted the voivodeship in Verkhoturye, after which he was returned to Tyumen.

    Euphemia Vsevolozhskaya was, by the way, not the only royal bride who visited Verkhoturye. In 1619-1620 Maria (Anastasia) Ivanovna Khlopova, transferred from Tobolsk, was here with her family. Two years earlier, due to the machinations of the then all-powerful Saltykovs, who did not want her to become the wife of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich, Khlopova was declared terminally ill and exiled to Siberia.

    The problem of the relationship between the “first great governor”, ​​who headed the Tobolsk discharge, and the local governors subordinate to him remained insoluble for many years.

    Service people.

    At the beginning of the 17th century. The Verkhoturye garrison included only 49 servicemen. However, as the city’s role as the main transit point on the way to and from Siberia increases, as well as as a result of the emergence of new arable and obroch settlements and in connection with the continuous raids of nomads on the villages of Verkhoturye district, the number of military service population here increases significantly. In the 20s In the 17th century, the Verkhoturye garrison already consisted of 7 servicemen “in the fatherland” and “initial” people, 64 archers and 3 gunners. By the end of the century there were 33, 105 and 5, respectively.

    From the mid-50s of the 17th century, the ranks of instrumental people were replenished with the help of white-country Cossacks, who usually served “from the arable land.” (The term “white” in those days meant exemption of land from taxation). In 1666, in 5 settlements of Verkhoturye district there were 88 of them. In 1680, 97 Cossacks, 6 gunners and 1 collar lived in 11 Verkhoturye settlements.

    Boyar children occupied a special place among the Siberian service people. From their number, the senior command staff of the Siberian garrisons was formed, they participated in military campaigns and in the defense of cities and forts from attacks by “non-peaceful foreigners”, built city and prison fortifications, and were appointed to administrative positions. They were instructed to organize new settlements, collect yasak, deliver bread and salt, and much more. Given the relatively small number of boyar children in Siberia, they played an important role in the sphere of management, since, unlike European Russia, where this category of service people “in the fatherland” constituted the lowest stratum of the feudal class and often differed little from the instrumental population, here they They represented a kind of service “aristocracy”. Some of them even held voivodeship positions.

    Along with the usual practice of recruiting “grown-up” children of boyars into service in the “retired” salaries of their fathers and close relatives and transfers from other cities, this category was often replenished by exiles, including “foreigners”, serving from the instrument ""initial"" people (Cossack atamans and heads, Streltsy centurions, Pentecostals and foremen), ministers of the Siberian church hierarchs, representatives of the local tribal nobility, the administrative administration, and sometimes even walking people (such as, for example, the future St. Simeon of Verkhoturye) and representatives of tax-paying classes. Verkhoturye was no exception in this regard.

    So, for example, in 1657, Yuri Arsenev was exiled from Moscow “for obscene words” to eternal settlement, who was ordered by the sovereign’s charter to become a boyar’s child with an annual salary of 15 rubles and a corresponding grain salary. A year later he received an increase - 3 rubles and bread “against money”, which, however, he soon lost. In the first half of the 60s. 17th century Yuri Arsenev apparently died in one of the battles with the “traitor Tatars.” In accordance with the royal decree and ""by order of the steward and governor Ivan Yakovlevich Koltovsky and clerk Vasily Bogdanov"" according to his ""soul"" a book treasure was made in the Church of the Kazan Mother of God in Aramashevskaya Sloboda - the Apostle, published by I.A. Nevezhin in Moscow in 1606 (currently kept in the collection of the Ural University).

    Exiled along with other “Lithuanian people” to Siberia, “foreigner” Andrei Bernatsky first served in the Kuznetsk prison. During the Kalmyk raid, he lost his son and was himself wounded. Later he served in the boyar children's office in Yeniseisk, and in 1649 he was transferred to Verkhoturye, retaining his previous salary in the new place - 20 rubles of money, 20 chets (quarters; a government distributing quarter in the 17th century - 4-6 poods bread -Auth.) rye and 15 grains of oats. In 1652, he was given another 3 rubles, as well as 3 quarters of rye and 8 quarters of oats. Andrei Bernatsky married his daughter to Prince Semyon Andreevich Pelymsky, who was the great-great-grandson of Khan Kuchum’s comrade-in-arms, Prince Alegirim, who was mentioned more than once above. Semyon Pelymsky himself from 1642/43. He served in the Pelym children of the boyars, and in 1654 he was transferred with a fairly high salary to the children of the boyars in Verkhoturye. After his death in 1665, his son Peter served among the Verkhoturye boyar children.

    In 1649, that is, simultaneously with Andrei Bernatsky, Izmailo Koptev became a boyar’s son from Verkhoturye. He was recruited from the archbishop's boyar children into the 15-ruble "retired" salary of Andrei Perkhurov, "and for a grain salary" he served "from the arable land," that is, he had an allotment of land. It should be said that another representative of the above-mentioned Perkhurov family, Pankraty, is mentioned, like Andrei, already in the 20s. XVII century He was the clerk of the Aramashevskaya settlement, and then, in 1656, he built the Kataysky fort.

    Peers of the Perkhurovs were also the boyar children Ivan Spitsyn (in the 20s of the 17th century he was the clerk of the Nevyansk settlement, and in 1632 he became the founder of the Irbit settlement) and Dmitry Labutin (in the second half of the 20s of the 17th century he was clerk in the Nevyanskaya Sloboda, and in the early 40s he managed the Aramashevskaya Sloboda and built a fort here; later his son Afanasy and grandson Dorofey were listed among the Verkhoturye boyar children).

    In 1661, the commander of a detachment of service Tatars, Afanasy Bibikov, who had previously held the position of rifle centurion in Verkhoturye, was transferred from Tyumen and later transferred to the Verkhoturye boyar children. Subsequently, Afanasy’s place would be taken by his son Mikhail (in 1666 he was 16 years old, and he himself was still an unknown “adolescent”). At the end of the 17th century. Mikhail Bibikov will hold the voivodeship position first in Pelym, and then in Verkhoturye.

    In the first half of the 17th century. replenishment of the stratum of boyar children at the expense of instrumental servicemen and even tax people was a fairly common phenomenon in Siberia due to a lack of personnel. It is no coincidence that in one of the documents of 1632, this kind of layout was explained very simply: “In Verkhoturye there are many mailings to boyar children, but there are few boyar children in Verkhoturye, and it is not easy to assign them to the sovereign’s affairs.” However, since the second half of the century, the state has been trying to take strict control of the situation.

    Nevertheless, despite the sword of Damocles of a possible “search”, unauthorized actions from above, both of instrumental people and those serving “in the fatherland”, continued in subsequent times.

    17th century smugglers

    Luxurious sables and foxes from Siberia were the pride and one of the most important exports of the Russian state. Therefore, it is not surprising that anyone who came to the lands of the Verkhoturye region could not resist the shine of “soft gold” and during his stay in the region sought to collect as much fur as possible, take it to Muscovy and live like a king.

    This is precisely what explains the concern of the Russian sovereigns, who feared that with the intensive development of trade, a significant part of the furs would cease to flow into tribute. Therefore, all acts of purchase and sale between Russians and indigenous residents could only take place at the Gostiny Dvor, in the city, and not “along yurts and rivers.” The desire to maintain a monopoly on furs prompted the central government to take measures to prevent the penetration of Russian people into yasak volosts.

    In addition to the governor, yasak collectors had to monitor compliance with trade rules. And to be sure, the yasak collectors themselves were sworn not to trade or change anything in the yurts of the yasak people. The ban on coming to yasak volosts applied not only to industrial and commercial people, but also to priests.

    The limited circle of trading partners created a situation in which the indigenous population was constantly dependent on whether Russian trading people would bring grain or not. It happened that this doomed entire yasak volosts to starvation, especially in years that were unsuccessful in terms of fishing.

    Participation in trade with the indigenous population by a fairly limited circle of people created a favorable climate for abuse when concluding trade deals.

    V. Pavlovsky, who studied the life of the Khanty and Mansi peoples at the beginning of the twentieth century, reported that Russian colonists became so addicted to potatoes and turnips that the Voguls were willing to give a squirrel skin for 5-6 turnips. The natives also gave away their other wealth - fish - just as cheaply. What can we say about the 17th century, when the current old-timers of the Verkhoturye region talk about how their fathers at the beginning of the 20th century. We went along the winter route to the Ostyaks for fish. They paid, like their ancestors three centuries ago, with bread, tobacco, matting, “all sorts of rags” and, of course, “fire water” (vodka). They measured fish by the “pood”: they placed an arc on the ground, and how many fish fit under it was the same pood. Therefore, the largest arcs were chosen for the trip to the Ostyaks.

    In addition to those listed above, there was a strict time limit for trading with the yasak population - only after the tribute was handed over. In the orders on trade with the Voguls, the governors were instructed to “watch and protect tightly” so that, firstly, “passing merchants and all kinds of industrial people... with the yasak people of the former great sovereign would not steal yasak.” And secondly, “”... the Vagulichi would not take out any soft junk on the road to the merchants and to any people and would not sell it.” All this was motivated by the interests of the state treasury and the concern that “”the Vagulichi would be responsible for their trade.” “There were no debts accumulating for the delivery of the sovereign’s yasak and funeral services.

    If we take into account the magnitude of this duty and the fact that most yasak people had significant debts for many years, if we add to this the various machinations of the local administration during the yasak collection, then we will inevitably come to the conclusion that the yasak person should not have remained furs for sale. Therefore, it is quite understandable that the trading people, and with them the service people and peasants, seduced by the benefits of trade with the aborigines, despite the threat of being subjected to “cruel punishment without mercy,” still preferred to penetrate the yasak volosts precisely before, and not after collecting yasak.

    And yet, despite numerous prohibitions, Russian enterprising people found an opportunity to buy and the natives to sell soft junk. There were, of course, other ways to acquire skins, so the state tried to give the last battle for its monopoly on furs at customs. For this purpose, the government tried to achieve a certain independence of the customs service from the voivodeship administration in order to prevent voivodes and clerks from selfishly using this service for the purpose of their own enrichment. The customs had its own seal, different from the voivode's, and the voivodes did not have the right to access it.

    To avoid troubles with customs and the obligation to pay duties, merchants joined the archers who accompanied the royal treasury to Moscow, and, by agreement with them, declared their soft junk part of the state treasury.

    Some of the soft junk was exported from Siberia, bypassing customs gates and Verkhoturye, through the Kataysky prison. By decree of 1680, the Verkhoturye governor was ordered to completely block this canal.

    As for the customs in Verkhoturye, the royal letter sent in 1635 ordered the governor Danila Miloslavsky to personally assist the customs and outpost head in inspecting people traveling from Siberia to Moscow. Without relying entirely on the intelligence and efficiency of customs officers, the letter gave a complete list of places where one should look for soft junk: “”... in carts, chests, boxes, bags, suitcases and dresses, and in beds, and in pillows, and in barrels of wine, and in stores of all kinds, and in baked bread... in sleigh beds, and in runners."" In addition, everyone was ordered - from the governor to their people of both sexes - ""to search everyone thoroughly, without fear, in the bosoms both in pants and in a sewn dress."

    The fight against the illegal export of furs from Siberia has been going on with varying degrees of success. There are numerous cases where the customs service was able to confiscate large quantities of smuggled furs, most often upon the return of governors who had already served a short term.

    Gods and devils

    For a long time, the Russian government took the view that it was better to deal with the unbaptized but peaceful population of the Urals.

    As for the Orthodox Church, it, like the state, did not have sufficient material resources or the number of priests necessary for such enterprises.

    However, beyond the Urals there was another social force that was interested in the baptism of aborigines and was actively involved in this. We are talking about service people. Participating in campaigns against “non-peaceful” or “deposited lands”, they captured quite a significant number of aborigines. The so-called “pogrom yasyr” became one of the main sources of replenishment of Christians in Siberia. They tried to baptize the prisoners quickly, because if this was not done before the volost became tribute, they had to be returned back. If a service person managed to get the baptism done, then the captives, as a rule, became slaves; they could be taken to the central regions of the country, sold or kept with them.

    Thus, it turned out that the most interested and active “missionaries” were service people. Violence was used as the main argument for attracting aborigines to the Christian Orthodox religion. Fortunately for representatives of the indigenous peoples of the region, this practice has not become widespread due to the negative attitude of the central government towards it.

    Nevertheless, the process of colonization continued, service people further and further invaded the possessions of the Khanty and Mansi. The benefits from the illegal purchase of furs and the baptism of aborigines were apparently quite high, and service people took risks and violated the relevant government decrees. Pagan Voguls and Ostyaks who were baptized became “newly baptized.”

    The procedure for joining Orthodoxy itself was well worked out: for this it was enough to submit a petition addressed to the sovereign. In any case, at first, no restrictions or preparatory measures were envisaged. The obligatory requirement was actual voluntariness on the part of the one who decided to take such a step.

    However, with the strengthening of the position of the church, the founding of new monasteries and churches, and the increase in the number of clergy in the region, the attitude towards those who converted to Christianity also changed. As can be seen from the cases cited, a kind of probationary period was established for the newly baptized - 6 weeks, which they had to live “according to the rule of the holy fathers” under the supervision of the monastery. And only after the governor in the administrative hut was informed that this condition had been met, a decree was issued on permission to be baptized. Thus, secular and spiritual authorities sought to prepare the newly baptized for a new life for them. In any case, some time was given so that a person could become directly acquainted with the duties of a Christian.

    Some people decided to accept Christianity after finding themselves in extraordinary situations (captivity, impending marriage, imprisonment) and seeing baptism as an opportunity for themselves to solve the problems that had arisen. But in almost all cases there was also a financial interest.

    In addition to the salary for the “cross”, provision was made for the issuance of appropriate clothing, if necessary. The temptation to receive gifts and salaries for the cross was so great that they were sometimes baptized more than once.

    Perhaps the most important advantage for the majority of Voguls and Ostyaks was that, upon becoming newly baptized, they, as a rule, were exempt from paying yasak.

    Most of the newly baptized became the sovereign's servants and received, along with Russian servants, cash and grain salaries.

    Of course, baptism brought more than just joy. The person was torn out from his native environment, deprived of the right to return. His wife and children were also required to be baptized. The service sometimes took place far from home. They tried to isolate the newly baptized as much as possible from their familiar environment, so that there would be no temptation to return to their previous beliefs. Separation from relatives apparently became a serious test for some. One of the documents of the Verkhoturye administrative hut is clear evidence of this. In 1665, the newly baptized Tatar Vasily Alekseev addressed Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich: “...please, your orphan, order me, sovereign, to let me go from Verkhoturye to the Katai prison to see my father and mother...have mercy.”” This request did not go unheeded. The newly baptized man was released to the Katai prison.

    Of course, the very fact of accepting Christianity did not mean a radical change in the consciousness of the newly baptized. The perception of the new ideology and norms of life was very difficult, often coexisting with previous beliefs.

    Given the shortage of churches and priests, it was not so much the mass baptism of local peoples that was important, but rather the retention in the bosom of the Christian Church of those representatives who voluntarily took this step.

    Almost most cases of adoption of Orthodoxy were due to the fact that a person found himself in some extreme circumstances. Apparently this is one of the reasons that the tribesmen were in no hurry to follow the example of those of their relatives who abandoned the religion of their ancestors. They tried to isolate the newly baptized from their pagan surroundings, so that the only people who necessarily accepted Orthodoxy after them were family members. In the future, such isolation strengthened not only the religious, but also the general cultural influence on the newly baptized and led to significant Russification of the population that was in direct contact with the Russians.

    The truly intensive baptism of the Mansi and Khanty began, essentially, only at the beginning of the 18th century. And it cannot be said that it was very successful. Thus, in 1728, Archimandrite Sylvester of the Verkhoturye Monastery barely escaped from the same Chusovo Mansi and Mari who attacked him with guns and bows, whom he himself had baptized 10 years earlier. At the end of the 19th century, Verkhoturye priests, who traveled to the north of the district to visit the long-baptized Mansi, noted in their reports that they often ignored even the most “necessary” Christian requirements, such as baptism and funeral services, and the widespread, along with this, cult of animals.

    Later, in the 30s of our century, the head of the affairs of national minorities of the Sverdlovsk Regional Executive Committee, Kugushev, who headed the team that inspected the work of the Soviets among the Mansi of the Ivdel and Garinsky districts, reported that in all the yurts there are icons, but they are not kept for the purpose of fulfilling any or religious ceremonies, and instead of paintings. The Mansi themselves said that before they paid little attention to the icons, and under Soviet rule they completely stopped praying to them and left them in yurts because “they were well drawn.”

    At the same time (May-June 1935), the doctor of the Sverdlovsk regional health department S. Narbutovskikh spent 2 months in the Mansi settlement areas. His notes provide a detailed description of the religious ideas of the descendants of the Verkhoturye Voguls. “All nature,” wrote S. Narbutovskikh, “is spiritualized for them. The highest deity Torum does not interfere in people's affairs. He gives life to everyone and everything and only manifests himself in life... The Mansi do not stand on ceremony with other gods who get involved in everyday trifles. Although they make sacrifices to them, they require certain conditions to be fulfilled.

    Their holidays are timed to coincide with the beginning or end of the hunting season. Elijah’s day is especially honored. By this time, everyone, gathering in urman (a certain place in the taiga), where deer graze, gets acquainted with the offspring and the condition of their herds. Then, on Mount Yalpyngner (the highest point in the area), a multi-day festival is held with abundant sacrifices, accompanied by a certain ritual. The Mansi also love the Bear holiday. It settles down when the animal is hunted. Comes with copious amounts of drinking and wild fun.

    In ordinary times, the natives make sacrifices to the gods at their ancestral temples. This is a small clear area in the middle of the forest, around it the antlers of sacrificial deer are hung on the branches of the outer trees, and silver money is tied on the trunks, wrapped in a scarf. The meat of the sacrificed deer is eaten on the spot. Previously, the skins of sables and other valuable animals were also sacrificed, and each family made appropriate boxes to store them at the temples. Since Russian hunters began to guard the temples, this custom has developed. Shamanism as a profession hardly exists today. The leading role in the ritual is most likely played by ordinary people who are distinguished by the most lively character."

    So, more than two centuries of the church’s struggle for the souls of Mansi hunters ended with the fact that they, considering themselves Christians and keeping icons in yurts, essentially remained pagans. The eternal confrontation between gods and shaitans among the Mansi ended with their peaceful coexistence in the distant northern yurts.

    ""Indians"" Verkhoturye

    The word "Mansi" translated from Mansi means "man". This is what these people called themselves from ancient times, and this is what we call them now.

    There are not many of them, only 8.3 thousand people, and the bulk of them are now settled in the territory of the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug. But a small group - descendants of the Verkhoturye Voguls - still lives in the north of the Sverdlovsk region. According to the Ivdel administration, in 1996 there were 74 Mansi in the Ivdel region, 32 of them were children. They are still trapped in several yurts. Not much... Especially when compared with the beginning of the twentieth century, when there were 2,142 Mansi in the Verkhoturye district. However, even then the trend was obvious: the number of nomadic Mansi would constantly decrease, and the number of sedentary ones would increase. The settled Mansi quickly became Russified, adopting the customs and morals of the Russians. Those who chose to live according to the laws of their ancestors went north, deep into the forests, away from uninvited guests - Russians and Komi-Zyryans. These were freedom-loving hunters, fishermen and reindeer herders, real “Indians” of Verkhoturye. Until the mid-twentieth century, Mansi hunters used bows and arrows and flintlock guns.

    The Mansi, like their closest ethnic relatives the Khanty, are a transitional type from the Mongoloid to the Caucasoid race. Ethnographers who visited the Mansi at the beginning of the twentieth century described them as follows: “”Voguls are of strong build, of average height... The hair is dark brown or black, the Russified ones are cut, the nomadic ones are constantly disheveled and braided into two braids, entwined with laces and tied at the ends . Women humiliate them with rings, copper chains and other jewelry. The Russified have a beard and mustache, the nomadic have either no beard or mustache at all, or only a few hairs. The absence of a beard and mustache is not a tribal feature of the Vogulichs, but they are carefully plucked for convenience during winter hunting of animals, and perhaps due to the belief that the devil gave the first beard to the first son of the first old people - Vulpa, who, due to the devilish origin of the beard, pulled it out a hair's breadth The eyes are small and medium... The arms are long and the nomadic ones... are tattooed on the back side." The tattoo for men had the meaning of tamga - p"

    The article was published in the Bulletin of the History of Verkhoturye District. Verkhoturye, 2011. Issue 2. P.3-10. According to the confessional lists of the parishes located in the territory under consideration in 1800-1801, 8,712 inhabitants were recorded. These are the parishes of the churches of the Bogoroditskaya village of Koshayskoye (now Sosvinsky urban district), Epiphany of the Lyalinsky churchyard (now the village of Karaulskoye of the Novolyalinsky urban district), Maksimovskaya of the Turinsky mines (now the city of Krasnoturinsk), Petropavlovskaya of the Petropavlovsk plant (now the city of Severouralsk), Spasskaya of Nikolai-Pavdinsky plant (now the village of Pavda, Novolyalinsky urban district), Vvedenskaya Theological Plant (now the city of Karpinsk) and part of the territory belonged to the parish of the Resurrection Church in the city of Verkhoturye (1). In the 400-year history of the formation of the Russian population in this territory, several periods can be distinguished. The chronological boundaries of the first period fit into the framework from the end of the 16th century. to 1757, when, thanks to the efforts of the Verkhoturye merchant M.M. Pokhodyashin begins the industrial development of the region and the second period of population formation. It should be noted that long before the Russians arrived here, the territory in question was inhabited by Voguls. In the “Yasash Book of Verkhoturye District 1626” the yasak population was divided into hundreds: the 1st and 2nd Lyalinsky hundreds were located on the river. Lyale, Sosvinskaya yurts were located on the Sosva, Turye, Vagran, Langul and Mocha rivers, Lozvinskaya hundred yurts on the river. Lozva and the yurt of the Kosva Voguls on the river. Kosve. In total there are 124 yasak people (2). Subsequently, special yasak volosts were created: two Lyalinsky, Kosvinskaya, Sosvinskaya and Lozvinskaya. A person was not assigned to a specific volost and could move from one volost to another, migrate within the Verkhoturye district and even beyond its borders. In the “Cross drive book of the Verkhoturye district of 1682” Among the yasak people, one can already note the appearance of surnames, which in 1800-1801. recorded in confessional documents. These are the Deneshkins, Moroskovs, Anisimkovs, Antipkins, Esaulkovas. In total, according to the confessional lists of these years, 25 surnames of yasak Voguls were identified (3). As for Russian settlements, the first of them should be considered the Lozvinsky town, which arose in 1589 on the river route from Cherdyn through Vishera to Lozva and Tavda. The Lozvinsky town became a transshipment base on the way to Siberia. The garrison of the town consisted of several dozen archers and Cossacks, and in winter up to 3,000 temporary people accumulated here. With the opening of the more convenient Babinovskaya road, the Lozvinsky town was abandoned in 1598, and the garrison was transferred to Verkhoturye (4). The further appearance of settlements here was also associated with transport routes. After all, the famous Babinovskaya road passed through the territory of modern Karpinsky and Novolyalinsky urban districts. Already in 1599, a letter from Tsar Boris Godunov was sent to the petition of the Verkhoturye trading people in Verkhoturye, which says: “...And we should welcome their new Verkhoturye resident people, order them to build yards for the winter route and ship passage on the river on Kosva and barns for their great journey. And he would have commanded that one along the Kosva River from the old winter roads, where it had previously been down along the islands, and along the banks and along the small rivers that flowed into Kosva, for hay cuttings and fishing and animal catching and to own all sorts of land...” (5 ). In 1600, the Verkhoturye coachmen submitted a petition to Boris Godunov, saying that the road from Verkhoturye to Solikamsk was long, and you couldn’t take food for the horses with you, asking for permission to cut hay along the road on the Kyrye, Kosva and Yayva rivers. To which they received the answer, “not to cut a lot of hay, ten kopecks less than each person, for your own needs, and not for sale” (6). Life itself said that on such a long road there should be people who could provide food for the horses. 20 years passed and in 1621 in the “Watch Book of F. Tarakanov” we find the entry: “Yes, in the Verkhoturye district on the Siberian portage on the Kosva River there is a courtyard, and Ivashko Zenkov lives in it. There is no arable land, because it is Stone. And he has a river of hay fields near Kosvu and in the meadows, and on Kameni, six hundred kopecks. And he pays the rent from those hay cuttings in Verkhoturye to the sovereign’s treasury, a ruble per year. And he trades with Vogulich and catches all sorts of animals, but does not give duties on Verkhoturye, but collects duties from him from Sol Kama, which he sells from Sol. In the same Siberian, on the half, there is a courtyard on Rostes on the Kyrga River, and Trenka and Pervushka Usoltsy live in it. And they mow four hundred kopecks of hay, but there is no dues from those hay mews” (7). Gradually the population on the Usolsky portage is growing. By 1652, a church was built in Rostes, the parish of which included the villages of Kosva and Kyrya (8). According to the census of Lev Poskochin in 1680, there were already 39 households and 88 quitrent peasants living here (9). At the beginning of the 18th century, when the territory of Russia was divided into provinces, this part of the Verkhoturye district became part of Solikamsk. More than 200 years will pass and only in the middle of the 20th century. this territory will become part of the now modern Sverdlovsk region. After the destruction of the Lozvinsky town in 1598, a different route was chosen to deliver grain and other supplies to Pelym. Supplies were delivered in winter from Verkhoturye to Koshay, located on the river. Sosva, below the confluence of the river. Lyali. To store supplies, barns were built, with a guard of 5-10 Verkhoturye archers stationed there. By spring, ships were being built, on which supplies were delivered to Pelym via higher water (10). Here, on Koshai, in 1600, gunner Voroshilk Vlasyev was sent from Tobolsk to establish a salt trade (11). And although the fishery lasted only a few years, the descendants of the Tobolsk gunner established themselves in this place. In the “Scribe book of the Verkhoturye district of M. Tyukhin 1624” on Koshay the village of Doroshki (apparently Voroshki) is recorded, in which there were two courtyards of townspeople - Vaska Voroshilov and Ivashki Turyty. Here on Koshai there was also the village of the archer Timoshka Voroshilov (12). Around this time, probably for the first time, eyes were turned to the lands located north of Verkhoturye. So on April 15, 1623, the Verkhoturye Vogul interpreter Danila Stepanov, son of Shavkov, and the Yamsk hunter Yuri Ivanov, son of Koloda, sold land and fishing along the river. Lyala Verkhoturye archer Zinovy ​​Nikiforov (13). Climatic conditions unfavorable for the production of marketable grain did not attract arable peasants to settle lands along the Lyala and Sosva rivers. Therefore, these places are inhabited by those for whom agriculture was not the main means of livelihood, but was an auxiliary one, i.e. only for myself. These are the Verkhoturye archers and the townspeople. The process of settlement of the Lyalya and Sosva rivers took place especially intensively in the second half of the 17th century, when between the yasak Voguls of the Lyalinsky and Sosva volosts, on the one hand, and the Streltsy and Posadskys, on the other hand, mortgage bondages were drawn up, which formalized the issuance of money in debt on collateral land, including arable land, hayfields, cinder and oak areas, yurts and courtyard areas of Vogul estates. Basically, the money was not returned and the archers and townspeople became the new owners of the lands. So on September 20, 1653, Osip Ievlev’s mortgage bond to Melentey for part of the village was formalized. Part of the document has not survived, but it can be assumed that the deal took place between the Verkhoturye Posad and the Verkhoturye Streltsy foreman Meleshka Fomin, the founder of the Melentyev (Melekhin) family, who lived in the village of Melekhin on the Lyala River. In the same year, another mortgage was issued - between the yasak Vogul of the Lyalinsky volost Ivan Kalmanov and the Verkhoturye archer Makar Ivanov, son Kotelnikov, for arable land and hay cutting at the Lyalinsky guardhouse (now the village of Karaulskoye) (14). More and more new names appear on the Lyalya River, in the area of ​​the Lyalinsky guard. In 1659, mortgages were drawn up between the yasak Vogul of the Lyalinsky volost, Kora Boriskov, and the Verkhoturye archer Vasily Sergeev, son Taskin, for hay cuttings on the river. Lyala and Yakov Bezsonov's son Gavrilov with his brothers to the cinder site with cleansing on the river. Lyale (15). I would like to note that the dates mentioned are not the basis for the assertion that these are the dates of the founding of villages in the area, since indirect evidence in the documents suggests that those receiving bondage already had courtyards and arable land in these places. One of the mortgages for 1671 on the Lyalya River mentions the arable land of Mitrofan Sidorov (16), who, in my opinion, should be identified with the quitrent peasant Mitroshka Sidorov, according to the census of A. Bernatsky (1666) who lived on “Rostes and on Kyrye and Kosva” (17). In the same way, lands on Lyala were acquired by the Verkhoturye townspeople Belkin, Bedrin, and the quitrent peasant Zhernakov (18). The lower reaches of the Lyali River were also populated. So on April 5, 1661, the Verkhoturye streltsy son Roman Stepanov, son Ivakin, sells his village to the Verkhoturye townsman Denis Pavlov “down the float, on the left side, where Vaska Ondryushkin Kumychov’s yurts were, from the top end along the drag, and down to the Kropivnaya River, with a yzba, and with arable and mortgaged lands, and in hayfields and in fishing, in drains and in lakes, half” (19). And already on October 15, Denis Pavlov formalized a mortgage bond with the yasak vogul of the Sosvinskaya volost, Vasily Andreev’s son Kumychev, and for the second half of his estate (20). Later, the village receives his name - Denisova, and he himself becomes the ancestor of the Denisovs. An identical process took place on the Sosva River. On January 18, 1656, a mortgage bond was issued between the Verkhoturye Vogul interpreter Yakov Danilov son Shavkov (son of the already mentioned Danilo Shavkov) and the Verkhoturye archer Yakov Yakimov son Olferev for a village along the Sosva River. Obviously, due to Shavkov’s position, the village was named Tolmachevskaya. In turn, Yakov Olferev became the founder of the village of Yakimov, and his children already bore the surname Yakimov. Several years pass and in 1670 Yakov Olferyev draws up a mortgage on a third of the village of Tolmachevskaya with the Verkhoturye Streltsy son Roman Stepanov, son Vagin (21). With the same one who in 1661 sold his village on the Lyala River to Denis Pavlov. Only then was he recorded with the surname Ivakin. Roman Stepanov Ivakin (Vagin) became the founder of the village of Romanova and the ancestor of the Romanovs. On June 8, 1686, a mortgage bond was formalized between the former centurion of the yasak voguls of the Sosva volost, Yakov Palkin, and the Verkhoturye townsman Ignatius Titov's son Popov for arable land, hayfields, livestock plots and fishing along the Sosva River (22). By this time, Ignatius already had a village on Sosva - Titova. When in the second half of the 19th century. a church was opened here, the village began to be called Semenovsky. The Verkhoturye Nikolaevsky Monastery did not remain aloof from the acquisition of land on Sosva. According to two mortgages in 1687, the monastery received arable land, hayfields and fishing along the Sosva River from the yasak voguls of the Sosva volost Kozmer Katyshkov and Karp Morozkov (23). The village of Monastyrskaya appeared on the monastery lands. On December 12, 1689, a mortgage was drawn up between the newly baptized obrok peasant Vasily Kozmin and the Kosvin obrok peasant Pyotr Fedorov, son Koptyakov and his brother for part of the estate along the Lobva River (24), who founded the village of Koptyakova here.